■«* 4 




**> $ 









3. 



^ . 









* ,^m*r 



* .\ 
















.S\ N , O *> C . •** » * S 












A< X 



i^ 











ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 
AND LEADERS 

IN THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE 
1702-1710 



BY 
WILLIAM THOMAS MORGAN, A.M., Ph.D. 

INSTRUCTOR IN HISTORY, COLUMBIA UNI^feRSITY 



THIS ESSAY WAS AWARDED 

THE HERBERT BAXTER ADAMS PRIZE BY THE 

AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, 1919 




NEW HAVEN: YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 

MDCCCCXX 



.Mi 



COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY 
YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 



APR 27 1920 



'CI.A566732 



TO THE MEMORY OF 
JOHN SINER MORGAN 



PREFACE 

The Age of Anne is one of the most interesting in Eng- 
lish history. It was a reign when political parties were 
in such a state of flux that politicians changed sides with 
little hesitation; when periodicals began to play a tran- 
scendent part in politics; when pamphleteering became 
the customary method of changing public opinion ; when 
literary men were usually politicians first of all; when 
ecclesiastical policies were determined by political exi- 
gencies, and church offices considered as a part of the 
civil service ; when monied men began to take a greater 
interest in elections and play a larger part in determining 
national policies ; when the cabinet was rapidly evolving 
into its present form; when the Protestant succession 
hung in the balance ; when Scotland joined her southern 
sister in a firm alliance ; when hatred of France became 
almost a religion; and when the United Kingdom gained 
the political and commercial hegemony of Europe that 
was lost by France at the treaty of Utrecht. 

Yet in spite of the interest and importance of this 
period it has been almost entirely neglected by serious 
historians for more than a generation. Nearly a half 
century ago Mahon and Wyon wrote their histories of the 
reign of Anne, and since that time no attempt has been 
made to deal with the history of the reign in the light of 
new materials that have recently become accessible. 
Even such industrious German scholars as Klopp, Salo- 
mon, and Von Noorden have done little to illuminate the 
domestic side of the first half of the reign, while the more 
recent of their works is nearly thirty years from the 



8 PREFACE 

press. Lecky's excellent history deals most cavalierly 
with the first decade of the century, and is now more than 
forty years old. Burton's three volumes are sketchy and 
of little value save for Scottish affairs. The books of 
Paul, McCarthy, and Mrs. Howitt are pre-eminently popu- 
lar rather than critical. Trevelyan's account of the reign 
is surprisingly brief, while the nature of Leadam's 
scholarly volume precludes any extensive treatment of 
new materials. 

In a reign where the personal element is so important, 
it is indeed noteworthy that we have so few biographies 
of the statesmen of the time, and those few far from 
satisfactory. Even Queen Anne has found no real biog- 
rapher. With all its limitations, and with its confessedly 
Jacobite tinge, Miss Strickland's work is probably the 
best we have, although it was published more than seventy 
years ago. Such books as P. F. W. Ryan's Queen Anne 
and her Court are distinctly uncritical. The Duchess of 
Marlborough has found many apologists and critics, but 
no biography at once critical and interpretative has been 
written, despite the efforts of Mrs. Thomson, Mrs. Col- 
ville, Molloy, and Reid. The best life of Marlborough is 
by Coxe, and is now a century old. Roscoe in his life of 
Harley lacks a proper appreciation of the man, although 
he has made some use of the valuable Harley Papers. 
Yet his is the only attempt to tell the life story of one of 
the most astute politicians of that day. Scholars have 
been more assiduous in their attention to Bolingbroke, 
although scarcely more successful. Macknight's book 
(1863) remains the best, as Sichel in his more recent vol- 
umes has failed to make the most of his opportunities. 
Grodolphin's life by Eliott (1888) is far from satisfying, 
as the author confessed that much source material was 
inaccessible to him. Shrewsbury and Somerset, the politi- 
cal enigmas of the epoch, remain still unexplained. Not 



PREFACE 9 

a single member of the Whig junto has found a worthy 
biographer and, until such time as the political activities 
of these five men are investigated, no adequate political 
history of the period can be written. 

For the most part, the older histories of this period 
have been written largely from the pages of Boyer, 
Burnet, and the Parliamentary History, with occasional 
references to available manuscript material. In this 
monograph additional manuscripts and source materials 
have been studied in the archives in England and Hol- 
land, besides numerous pamphlets and periodicals, and 
the invaluable reports of the Historical Manuscripts 
Commission. 

In a sense this is an attempt to rewrite the history of 
the first eight years of Anne's reign in the light of the 
new evidence that has become available in the last thirty 
years. In places the author has dared to differ from the 
usual estimates of some of the leading characters of the 
period. This has necessitated a frequent citation of 
authorities, for which he craves the reader's indulgence. 
The controversial nature of a part of his work has also 
caused him to quote more freely from contemporary 
sources than would otherwise have been the case. 

My acknowledgements should be many. The library 
authorities at Harvard, Yale, and Columbia Universities 
have always been more than kind in putting their treas- 
ures at my disposal. My thanks are also due to the offi- 
cials of the British Museum, the Bodleian, and the Rijks 
Archief for their kindness and consideration. In common 
with most American students who carry on research in 
England, I owe far more to the courtesy of Mr. Hubert 
Hall of the Public Record Office than I can ever repay. 

I am greatly indebted to Professor W. P. Trent of 
Columbia University. He has read the most of my manu- 
script, and has placed his intimate knowledge of the 



10 PREFACE 

literature of the period unreservedly at my command. 
I am also indebted to Professor Charles M. Andrews of 
Yale for material assistance in revising the manuscript 
and seeing it through the press. Even more thanks are 
due to Professor W. C. Abbott also of Yale, who first 
suggested to me this field of study, for he has at all times 
kindly encouraged and directed my work. My greatest 
debt of gratitude is, however, to my wife, who has helped 
me at all stages in the preparation of this work. 

William Thomas Morgan. 
Columbia University, 
March 27, 1919. 



Preface 
Introduction 

Chapter I. 

Chapter II. 

Chapter III. 

Chapter IV. 

Chapter V. 



Chapter VI. 
Chapter VII. 
Chapter VIII. 
Chapter IX. 



CONTENTS 



Political and Economic Condi- 
tions in England in 1702 

The Queen and Parliament 
(1702-1704) 

The Election of 1705 

The Disruption of the Minis- 
try (1705-1708) . 

The Political Influence of 
the marlboroughs and go- 
dolphin (1702-1708) . 

The Formation of the ' ' Trium- 
virate" (1700-1704) . 

The Break-up of the "Trium- 
virate" (1704-1708) . 

The Struggle between the 
Queen and the Junto (1709) 

The Triumph of the Queen 
(1709-1710) 



Conclusion 
Bibliographical Notes 
Index 



page 

7 

13 

19 

59 
106 

149 



184 

243 

279 

316 

355 
395 
407 
417 



INTRODUCTION 

To trace the origin of a political institution is never 
easy, but the difficulties are peculiarly baffling when one 
deals with the antecedents of a political party, because 
of the many factors that enter into its development. The 
antiquarian might see in the Republican party of the 
United States nothing more than the lineal descendant of 
the old Federalists; another scholar might argue that it 
originated in the feelings aroused by the Fugitive Slave 
Law; and the man in the street would probably date its 
origin from Lincoln's election. Today the evolution of 
the National Unionist party in Great Britain and the 
People's party in the United States is, for the average 
voter, probably clothed in equal darkness. 

The question of the origin of the Whig and Tory 
parties in England is similar, but on account of the lapse 
of time, much more difficult. Daniel Defoe considered the 
Royalists of the Civil Wars as the embryo of the Tories j 1 
another writer on English parties says that the latter 
part of Charles II 's reign was "an epoch whence we may 
date not only the rise of the Whig and Tory parties, but 
also the principles which they severally possess." 2 To 
this statement Professor W. C. Abbott gives partial as- 
sent, finding their origin in the later years of Clarendon's 
ministry when zealous High Churchman and devout Pres- 
byterian fought each other in the Cavalier Parliament. 3 

i Present State of Parties, p. 4 ; Faults on Both Sides, p. 6. See also 
C. B. E. Kent, Early History of the Tories, p. 11. For a list of abbrevia- 
tions used in the footnotes see pp. 404-406. 

2 George Wingrove Cooke, History of Party, I. 1. 

3 ' < History of the Long Parliament of Charles II, " E. H. B., XXI. 44. 



14 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Bolingbroke maintained that the Tories date from the 
dissolution of this same parliament, but Ranke believed 
that neither party came into full being until the reign of 
William III. 1 

The decision hinges on the connotation of the term, 
"political party." If it is no more than "organized 
opinion," as Disraeli so aptly put it, Whigs and Tories 
may well be considered in existence in fact, though not 
in name, before the period of the Commonwealth; if to 
"organized opinion" be added a more or less established 
body of principles, the date must be placed considerably 
later than the Restoration ; if we take it to mean the exist- 
ence of a reasonably permanent policy and a stable fol- 
lowing, then the beginning of Queen Anne 's reign is none 
too late. Even at that time parties were in a very fluid 
condition compared with those of the later eighteenth and 
nineteenth centuries, although the cabinet was slowly 
assuming a definite form. 

Political parties arise as a convenient method of influ- 
encing the exercise of the powers of government, but as 
long as such power rests in the hands of the sovereign, 
they have little significance. Until the accession of the 
Stuarts, the crown was the important factor in English 
government, but under these monarchs the middle classes 
were aroused at the same time into self -consciousness and 
revolt. During the Civil Wars, the Parliamentary and 
Royalist parties became clearly aligned. The latter tem- 
porarily disappeared, and the former split into several 
factions, when Cromwell assumed charge of affairs. 
During the Interregnum a new Royalist party came into 
existence. For several years this party met with little 
opposition, but in 1667 it finally crystallized into a de- 

i L. Von Kanke, Hist, of England, V. 291 ; Bolingbroke, Dissertation on 
Parties, Lecture III. Hallam dates the use of the terms Whig and Tory 
from the defeat of the Exclusion Bill. Const. Hist., III. 197. 



INTRODUCTION 15 

mand for the removal of Clarendon, who was essentially 
the king's prime minister. 1 

It is yet scarcely accurate to call either of these fac- 
tions a true political party, 2 although even as early as the 
dismissal of Clarendon, they were developing the doc- 
trines of ministerial responsibility and parliamentary 
supremacy in the sense in which we use them today, and 
as the years of the Cavalier Parliament increased, the 
personal opposition to the monarch, as well as to his 
policies, developed as each successive by-election sent 
more independent representatives to the lower house. 
In consequence, the king found it increasingly difficult to 
have his way, and it became much more of a task to cajole 
parliament into voting the necessary supplies. In re- 
sponse to its wishes, Charles was compelled to sacrifice 
Danby as he had Clarendon, and at last he was forced to 
dissolve it, after its members had served eighteen years. 
Fortunately for the king, the Popish plot came just when 
matters looked darkest for the monarchy, because reli- 
gious fanaticism now blinded many to its worst features, 
and the strength of the opposition grew weaker during 
the remainder of the reign. 

Charles II was succeeded by James II, against whom 
all factions united for a season into one, fired with the 
common purpose of expelling him for his bold attempt 
to turn the government over to his Catholic supporters. 
As soon as James was in exile, these elements again sepa- 
rated, as the conditions which necessitated their joint 
efforts no longer existed. By the time William arrived 
in London, he found numerous opponents, and before 
long, despite his tact — which Macaulay doubtless exag- 

iW. C. Abbott, supra cit., E. H. E., XXI. 44; Cooke, I. 4-6. See also 
L. F. Brown, ' ' Religious Factors in the Convention Parliament, " E. H. B., 
XXII. 51. 

2 On this point the Character of a Tory by John Sheffield, later Duke of 
Buckingham, is both interesting and instructive. 



16 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

gerates — the new monarch had almost as many enemies 
as friends. Many who had been anxious that James 
should be dethroned, were yet unwilling to bestow the 
crown upon one whose claim was based upon parlia- 
mentary caprice rather than upon heredity. 

The number of malcontents grew rapidly after Mary's 
death, which undermined William 's popularity and threw 
him almost entirely into the hands of those who wished to 
exalt the power of parliament over the crown. William 
had no intention of unduly favoring either faction, but 
he found to his cost that a ministry which took its mem- 
bership from both sides was impracticable, as it led to 
interminable quarrels, disturbing the easy administra- 
tion of public affairs. In fact, William wanted ministers 
and not a ministry. 1 By 1696 the inveterate hostility of 
his opponents forced him to ally himself with the advo- 
cates of parliamentary supremacy. These were to be 
found among the Dissenters and urban trading classes, 
who were looking forward to England's commercial ex- 
pansion. 2 On the other hand, revenues for the war were 
most grudgingly given by the landed gentry, who saw 
little gain in humbling the restless ambitions of Louis 
XIV as long as they were insured a profitable market for 
their surplus produce. 3 The non-conformists and monied 
men who supported the king began to form a fairly stable 
group, favoring a continuance of the war, and, after 1701, 
the Protestant succession, while exalting the power of 
parliament as contrasted with the prerogative. They 
made entirely too much of this last point when they asked 
William to dismiss his favorite Dutch guards, so he 

i W. M. Torrens, History of Cabinets, pp. 4-7; Kent, pp. 373-6. 

2 Present State of Parties, p. 11. Until recently few historians have seen 
the political significance of their support of the wars waged by William III 
and Anne. 

3 Mary G. Young, ' ' The Management of the Whig Party under Sir Kobert 
Walpole. " (Yale doctoral dissertation, unprinted.) 



INTRODUCTION 17 

turned for a brief space to their rivals, who emphasized 
the power of the king. William was disliked by the High 
Churchmen, 1 and was unpopular with the faction which he 
favored because he remained his own prime minister and 
had little or no regard for their wishes in his conduct of 
foreign affairs. 

Anne's reign is characterized both in its domestic and 
diplomatic aspects by the constant struggle of these two 
factions for supremacy. Upon her death, the Whigs, 
through better organization, gained an ascendancy which 
was not lost until George III came to the throne deter- 
mined to increase his prerogative. Even he, astute poli- 
tician as he was, spent nearly a decade undermining the 
Whig factions, which had been unable to endure con- 
tinued prosperity. Such in brief is the story of the two 
parties in England before 1770. 

The purpose of this monograph is to ascertain the part 
played by Queen Anne in English politics during the 
period when Godolphin acted as her first minister, and to 
note the relative influence of the Marlboroughs, Harley, 
and Godolphin, and the reasons for their downfall. The 
relations of Harley with the queen and with Defoe will be 
studied; considerable attention will be paid to the 
methods employed in parliamentary elections and, in a 
more general way, the attitude of the junto and the Tory 
leaders towards the composite ministries that existed 
under Godolphin will be examined, in an endeavor to dis- 
cover wherein lay the power of the Marlboroughs on the 
one hand and of the Whig junto on the other. Through 
it all we shall seek to find to what extent political leaders 
controlled parliament, and in what degree they were con- 
trolled by it, at a time when sovereignty was gradually, 
though unconsciously, being transferred from the throne 

lEijks Archief, 26^; Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7076, f. 154; Coke, 
III. 132. 



18 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

to the House of Commons, and the cabinet was slowly 
evolving into its present form. 

The approach is neither from the direction of party 
development nor that of party politics, but rather from 
that of the reaction of the individual upon the party, as 
opposed to the reaction of the party upon the individual. 
This point of view must be somewhat biographical, and 
even anecdotal at times, but seems the more necessary 
because of the fluidity of parties and the loose party alle- 
giance of a large number of the leading statesmen of the 
day. It was this state of flux which alone permitted the 
continuance of the non-partisan ministries of Godolphin 
and the control of government policies by a small group 
of some half dozen persons. 



CHAPTER I 

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN 
ENGLAND IN 1702 

Before proceeding to a study of the reign of the last of 
the Stuarts, it is necessary to visualize the situation in 
England at the accession of Queen Anne in order to 
understand the problems she had to face. 

Foreign affairs were in a critical condition. The great- 
est monarch in Europe was Louis XIV, the deadly enemy 
of William III. They had fought two wars against each 
other, both of which had proved indecisive, although 
Louis was forced to recognize William as king of Eng- 
land. In 1700 the French king's acceptance of the will of 
Charles II of Spain, granting the Spanish throne to his 
grandson, made another war against the Bourbons in- 
evitable, but England's participation was not assured 
until Louis broke the treaty of Ryswick by saluting the 
Pretender as James III. 1 After that insult the English 
masses were willing to support William in his attempts 
to humble the French monarch, and he was able to form 
the Grand Alliance, which isolated Louis, who, except for 
the Bavarians and the incidental aid received from the 
Spanish patriots, stood alone against all central and 
western Europe, particularly the Hapsburgs, Holland, 
and England. Nevertheless, the French king seemed not 
unequal to his task, and it was only the genius of the two 
generals of the Alliance which upset his calculations. 
English statesmen realized the seriousness of the situa- 

i [David Jones], The Life of James II, late King of England, p. 419 
(1705) ; Eardwicke State Papers, II. 396. 



20 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

tion, and did not expect a rapid conclusion of the war. 
Fortunately for England, William had discovered the 
latent ability of Marlborough, and made him commander- 
in-chief in the Netherlands. A short time before his 
death the king informed Princess Anne that this general 
was the fittest person to lead her armies and direct her 
counsels, and for once she was careful to follow William's 
advice. 1 

However serious the military situation might seem, it 
was further complicated by the unsatisfactory aspect of 
social and economic affairs. The population of England 
was practically stationary at five millions, 2 and the pre- 
vious war had plunged the kingdom deeply into debt, in 
spite of the fact that William had utilized sources of 
revenue heretofore untouched. England was not wealthy, 
because her resources remained largely undeveloped. In 
agriculture, the fundamental changes which were shortly 
to revolutionize English rural life had scarcely begun. 
Jethro Tull had only commenced his experiments with 
seed drills and deep plowing, which were to mean so much 
to English farming in the future ; Townshend had not yet 
forsaken public life to earn the nickname which betokens 
a fame greater than any he was to win even as first min- 
ister; while Bakewell and Coke of Holkham were not to 
become famous for a generation. 3 Methods of cultivation 
had changed little for a century; the wasteful open field 
system persisted in spite of the growth of enclosures; 
great stretches of fertile lands remained uncultivated, 
whereas the valiant yeomanry, who had been the pride of 

i Thomas Lediard, Marlborough, I. 136; W. Coxe, Marlborough, I. 76. 

2 J. Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, II. 68, 634, 674; Sir F. M. Eden, 
State of the Poor, I. 228. The best account of the social life of the reign 
is by John Ashton. W. C. Sydney's England and the English in the Eight- 
eenth Century and A. Andrews's The Eighteenth Century are also useful. 

s F. W. Tickner, Social and Industrial History of England, pp. 502-3; 
House of Lords MSS. (H. M. C), (n. s.), V. 70. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 21 

England since Crecy and Agincourt, gradually decayed 1 
as monied men continued to purchase land for the social 
esteem which it gave. 

As was to be expected, the changes in industry were 
more marked. The craft gild was already declining and 
the adventurous entrepreneur was having recourse to the 
so-called "domestic system," to speed up production for 
a wider market. Even here, however, the evolution was 
comparatively slow and the factory system was nearly a 
century in the future, although Newcomen invented his 
engine in 1705. In commerce the development was more 
marked. 2 Moreover, the expansion of England's com- 
merce and the extension of her colonial empire were but 
well begun, although her jealousy of the Dutch remained 
bitter and India loomed greater with each successive 
year. So far the American colonies had been allowed to 
grow unrestrained, and little thought was given to plans 
for making them contribute to the wealth and welfare of 
the mother country. 3 

An increase in wealth accompanied these changes. The 
comparative ease with which subscriptions were obtained 
for the Bank of England in 1694 shows the mobile capital 
of the realm ; the willingness of this corporation to loan 
William money in 1697 emphasizes the same point ; while 
the facility with which Sir Isaac Newton was able to re- 
form the currency proves it. The manner of the Bank's 
organization and the nature of its supporters bound it 
equally to the Revolution and the Whigs, while it pro- 
vided a most efficient instrument for financing the war. 4 

i H. de B. Gibbins, Industry in England, pp. 276-9; E. Fischel, The 
English Constitution, p. 318. 

2 House of Lords MSS. (H. M. C), (n. s.), V. 66-100. 

3 C. M. Andrews, "Anglo-French Commercial Kivalry (1700-1750)," 
A. H. B., XX. 539, 761; Leeky, I. 194; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), vol. 
V. xxiii. 

* House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), vol. VI. xviii. 



22 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

Bound up with the war was the question of the church. 
The Eevolution had been brought on largely by the king's 
religious fanaticism, and the alignment of political 
parties had been largely determined by its outcome. 
James's attempt to strengthen Roman Catholicism had 
served only to bring persecution upon those whom he 
wished to serve. Since the Popish plot their plight had 
been hard enough. From all quarters they were looked 
upon with the utmost suspicion. It is difficult to account 
for the terror of Papists manifested by the rank and file 
of Protestants at a time when the recusants made up less 
than five per cent of the population, and probably less 
than one per cent of the people of London held allegiance 
to the pope. 1 Yet, though all political power had been 
taken away from the Catholics by the strict laws of 
Charles II, such fears persisted, forcing the Protestant 
leaders to invite William to England and exclude all 
Papists from the throne. 

The Anglicans disliked the Dissenters but little less 
than they did the recusants. They could not forget the 
Commonwealth and Protectorate, and Clarendon's code 
was placed between the non-conformist and political pre- 
ferment. And since the ingenuity of the Dissenter with 
an elastic conscience found the practice of occasional con- 
formity an easy method of circumventing such acts, 
despite the loyalty of Presbyterian and Independent, the 
churchmen loathed them, distrusted their sincerity and 
feared many of them were republicans in disguise. 2 
Another cause of this enmity lay in the fact that the 
backbone of the non-conformist group was the commer- 
cial bourgeoisie, whose wealth and importance were in- 
creasing day by day, and would soon rival that of the 
landed aristocracy, who worshiped according to the 

i Great and Good News to the Church of England (1705) ; Burnet, V. 139. 
2 Grey 's Debates, II. 134. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 23 

Anglican faith. It was in a sense, despite their frequent 
marriage alliances, a social struggle between the gentry 
and the trading classes; it was also political, because 
wealthy merchants were buying up boroughs and making 
their way into parliament. 1 

Under the most favorable conditions the Anglicans 
would have found it increasingly difficult to check the 
growing power of the monied classes. Had they been 
united, they might have succeeded, but they were very 
far indeed from being in harmony. Since the time of 
Laud they had been divided into High and Low Church. 
The former stood for much ceremony in the service and 
emphasized the teachings of the church fathers, while the 
latter favored a simpler service and laid less stress on 
tradition. High Churchmen opposed comprehension, 
whereas the Low Church group were heartily in favor of 
some reasonable compromise whereby all but the most 
radical Dissenters might be brought into the fold. The 
Highfliers, as the High Churchmen were called, were re- 
cruited largely from the conservative country squires, 
whereas their less zealous brethren were drawn mainly 
from the leading noble families and the more prosperous 
merchants. 

The Anglican clergy were similarly divided, with the 
bishops predominantly of Low Church ideas, while the 
parish priests were High Church. Eelated to these eccle- 
siastics were the non-jurors, who had refused to take the 
oath of allegiance to William and Mary. Though few, 
and with their ranks thinning rapidly, these conscientious 
divines exerted an influence, through their virulence and 
ability, out of all proportion to their numbers, and 
formed a nucleus of a faction of the Tories. All the 
clergy, indeed, took a great interest in political affairs, 

i Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28892, f. 276; Hearne, I. 49; Macpherson, 
I. 603. 



24 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

particularly in elections, when they exercised no incon- 
siderable influence over the voters in their local areas. 1 

While Anne's accession wrought somewhat of con- 
fusion in religious matters, the state of political parties 
soon became little short of chaotic. During William's 
reign, two factions of approximately equal strength 
existed, which for the sake of clearness are hereafter 
termed Whig and Tory. The latter was made up of 
several distinct elements, which together probably made 
up a majority of the English people. Its strength lay in 
the rural districts among the pleasure-loving landed 
gentry, whose loyal tenants also belonged to this party. 
A considerable part of the lawyers and the nobility like- 
wise favored the Tories. In a word, the party contained 
the upper and lower classes, but "wanted the middle and 
connecting links." 2 Having developed from the old 
"Cavaliers," and being thoroughly imbued with the 
divine right theory, its adherents never entirely gave 
over their loyalty to the exiled Stuarts, as a majority of 
them probably upheld the doctrine of ' ' passive obedience 
and indefeasible hereditary right." They were also, in 
general, stanch champions of the church, 3 and were con- 
servative in temperament, with a decided weakness for 
the prerogative and a territorial aristocracy; while they 
resented the growing influence of the aggressive com- 
mercial classes. 

During William's reign, the doctrine of passive obedi- 
ence proved very troublesome to the Tories, inasmuch as 
it placed them in a position scarcely loyal to the king 
they had helped to call from Holland. Under Anne, it 

i J. Stoughton, Religion in England, pp. 18-9. See also biographies of 
Bishops Compton, Trelawny, and Atterbury. 

2 Kent, pp. 22, 34; see as well Eoger North's Examen, pp. 320-42. 

3T. Somerville, Hist, of Polit. Trans., pp. 687-90; May, Const. Hist, 
II. 21. See also Thomas Papillon, Memoirs of T. Papillon, p. 374. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 25 

was to become still more vexatious. As a matter of fact, 
the party split over the question of the succession. The 
most extreme Tories were called Jacobites, and they, like 
the non-jurors, remained first and foremost the cham- 
pions of the Pretender, whom they wished to bring back 
to England at any cost. For the most part they were too 
fearful of treason to plot much, yet it was well for the 
country that their numbers were so few. 1 Only a trifle 
less disposed in that way were the Highfliers, to whom the 
welfare of the church stood in the same relation as the 
Pretender to the Jacobites. This faction was led by the 
Anglican clergy, and was powerful both in numbers and 
influence. 2 Last of all were the Hanoverian Tories, later 
styled by St. John, "whimsicals," who supported the 
Protestant succession, even though it meant putting upon 
the throne an alien who was inclined to be lenient towards 
Dissenters and Low Churchmen. Among all the Tories, 
there was little real leadership of a constructive kind, 3 
but the chief weakness of the party lay in the irrecon- 
cilable attitude of the Jacobite and Hanoverian factions 
as to the succession after Anne's death. 

Even if the Whigs were not thoroughly united, they 
held more common principles than their rivals, as their 
support of the Act of Settlement bound most of them 
together, although there was always considerable intri- 
guing with the Tories. The Whigs came mainly from the 
trading centers, although their leaders were largely taken 
from the more prominent noble families. The diminish- 
ing class of the yeomanry also supported the Whigs. The 
previous war had increased the importance of the monied 

i Present State of Parties, p. 51; Bolingbroke, Dissertation on Parties; 
Lecky, I. 141. The Jacobites diminished in numbers when Gloucester died 
and Louis XIV recognized the Pretender. Coxe, I. 73-5; Kent, p. 409. 

2 Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, f. 18; cf. Von Noorden, Boling- 
broke, p. 97. 

3 Coxe, I. 276; cf. Lecky, I. 153. 



26 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

group, which had invested so largely in government se- 
curities, and were consequently supporting the Bank of 
England. Marriages between the scions of the nobility 
and the daughters of wealthy traders were not uncommon 
and did much to increase the power of the "Whigs by 
gaining for the merchant class a social standing, which 
the economic development of England was gradually, but 
surely, to improve. 1 

The commercial classes were mainly Low Churchmen 
and Dissenters, and were much more kindly inclined 
towards toleration and comprehension than the Tories, 
while they had much less reverence for the Anglican 
clergy. 2 They carried the same ideas into politics, and in 
1689, in the Bill of Rights, they insisted upon safeguard- 
ing the people against any arbitrary exercise of the pre- 
rogative, by making parliament a check upon the king. 
The Whig liberals went even farther; they championed 
the cause of civil liberty even at the expense of parlia- 
ment, if need be. 3 Closely allied to the monied interests, 
which had risen to power through war, they favored a 
vigorous prosecution of the struggle against Louis, both 
on land and sea, while their opponents wished only to 
retain the mastery of the sea. 4 

The future lay with the Whigs. To a greater degree 
than the Tories, they stood for the economic interests of 
the nation. As England's commerce and industry in- 
creased, a larger number of the intelligent middle classes 
joined their ranks. The kindness of the Whig leaders to 
the non-conformists gained them many recruits in that 
quarter. Much to the alarm of the Highfliers, the mass 

i Defoe, Complete English Tradesman; Hume, Hist, of Eng., ch. LVI; 
Kent, pp. 450-1 ; T. Papillon, Memoirs of T. Papillon, p. 375. 

2 Jonathan Swift in the Examiner, No. 36. 

3 The Dangers of Moderation, p. 6; Lord, p. 73. 

* Macaulay, p. 2391; Marchmont Papers, II. 314; Bolingbroke 's Letters, 
II. 74, 211. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 27 

of immigrants also favored their opponents. The Whigs 
had better leaders, who were excellent organizers and 
most active in converting young men as soon as they 
showed political promise. 1 On the other hand, the Tory 
chieftains were under the strain of supporting the 
queen's prerogative, while undermining her influence by 
currying favor with the impetuous Jacobites, who must 
at least be made to believe that the Tories had in mind 
to destroy the very law which had brought the queen to 
the throne. 

"While parties were in such a fluid condition, the power 
wielded by various influential personages at court was 
often of vital importance ; hence, it is wise at the outset 
to study the character of the more notable persons of the 
realm, for in no reign has the individual statesman 
played a larger part than in that of Anne. In particular, 
during this period of transition in constitutional history, 
when an unpopular king of foreign extraction gave way 
to a Stuart, the character of the new ruler would have 
great influence on the trend of affairs. Thus it becomes 
imperative to know something of the queen 's personality. 

Anne 's countenance was frank and open, maternal and 
good-humored ; while her chin showed real Stuart deter- 
mination, which on sundry occasions approached royal 
obstinacy. She was inclined to be phlegmatic and good- 
natured, unless thoroughly aroused, when with a certain 
amount of grim satisfaction, she saw to it that her wishes 
were respected and the presumptuous individual put in 
his proper place. She had a tenacious memory for both 
favors and injuries, but when she was well, and not 
unduly antagonized, she was uniformly kind to those 
about her. This largely accounts for her popularity 
among the masses, except during the last weeks of her 

iT. Somerville, Political Transactions, pp. 687-97; M. T. Blauvelt, The 
Development of Cabinet Government, p. 89. 



28 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

life when they began to fear that she was planning to 
have the Pretender succeed her. 1 

In appearance the queen was pleasing. Her figure was 
comely rather than beautiful, with a decided tendency 
towards grossness as she grew older, due to an excessive 
fondness for eating, and a violent antipathy for anything 
approaching exercise. She was gluttonous; nothing 
seemed to affect her appetite, not even her grief over her 
husband's death. Card-playing and hunting were her 
only forms of recreation, and for the latter she employed 
a special kind of cart. As a result of her sedentary life, 
Anne was usually on intimate terms with the gout, which 
eventually shortened her life. During her coronation 
she was so "infirm from gout and unwieldy from corpu- 
lency," that she had to be carried around in a huge 
sedan chair. 2 She was only thirty-seven years of age, 
yet in physical stamina she was much older. Little 
wonder, when we recollect that she had borne at least 
seventeen children, not one of whom survived to see her 
crowned ! 3 

Few people have had a more unhappy childhood than 
Lady Anne. At her birth, her uncle, Charles II, was 
king ; her father, the Duke of York, the heir to the throne ; 
and her maternal grandfather, the Earl of Clarendon, the 
leading minister. Her father was a devout Catholic, her 
mother an equally devout Anglican. Anne 's mother 4 died 

i Mesnager, Minutes of Negotiations, pp. 40-3; Strickland, XII. 102-5. 

zPortl. HSS., IV. 34; J. F. Molloy, The Queen's Comrade (2d ed.), I. 
302; Colville, p. 120; Notes $■ Queries (9th series), XI. 24, in 1705, a 
large, fleshy lady was "thought very like her Majesty." Portl. NSS., IV. 
177. 

s Paul says that Anne was a mother eighteen times. A History of the 
Royal Family gives the names of but five children. Stebbing mentions 
twelve and "several more miscarriages." Genealog. Hist., pp. 859-65. See 
also Wyon, I. 46. 

* J. K. Henslow's Anne Hyde, Duchess of York, is a popular life of 
Anne's mother. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 29 

while she was still in her teens, and although she was 
James's favorite, he habitually neglected her, particu- 
larly after his second marriage, when Anne was left 
entirely in the care of her mother's relatives, by whom 
she was carefully nurtured in the Protestant faith. 
During the excitement following the Popish plot, James 
was forced to leave England, and thereafter could pay 
little attention to her welfare. Anne was now very un- 
happy, as she knew how ardently her father and step- 
mother desired her to become a Catholic. 

The princess, thus left to her own resources, soon 
found solace for her loneliness in the companionship of 
Sarah Jennings, a clever young woman, some years her 
senior, and this friendship gradually became closer, until 
when Anne was married, Sarah, then the wife of John 
Churchill, became her lady of the bedchamber. Two 
years later, James became king, and Anne soon learned 
with horror that he was endeavoring to make England 
Catholic. Untrained in politics, Anne listened to the 
advice of her closest friends, and decided to desert her 
father, rather than renounce Anglicanism, which seemed 
to her inevitable, if James succeeded in his plans. Those 
dull November days prior to the king's flight from Eng- 
land were most trying to the young princess. On the 
one hand, she was impelled by her love for her father; 
on the other, by her loyalty to the church and her affec- 
tion for Mary. In her embarrassment, is it surprising 
that she sought the aid of her trusted companion, Lady 
Churchill, who was always so resourceful in times of 
difficulty? At court everything was in turmoil, and each 
courtier looked upon his neighbor with unspoken sus- 
picion. James had led his army from London towards 
the southwest in order to check William's advance. With 
him were Prince George and Lord Churchill, of whose 
desertion of the king London was informed on November 



30 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAKTIES 

25. Almost at once James withdrew towards his capital, 
a move which so excited Anne that she threatened to 
jump out of the window if he came near. To her mind 
flight was the only thing left, and Lady Churchill, with 
the willing co-operation of Compton, the deposed bishop 
of London, completed the arrangement, and the two 
ladies escaped from court that night. 1 Such unseemly 
haste has been taken to mean that Anne and probably 
Sarah as well were surprised by the news that their hus- 
bands had joined William of Orange. 

As early as May, 1687, however, Churchill wrote to 
William that Anne was safe "in the trusting of him," and 
was certain that she would never embrace Catholicism. 2 
A fortnight later, James is reported as believing that 
Lady Churchill had advised his daughter to go to Hol- 
land. 3 Since 1685 Anne had been in close communication 
with her sister Mary, William's wife, and in January, 
1688, wrote that she feared the establishment of Catholi- 
cism in England. 4 As soon as she learned that her 
father's wife, Mary of Modena, was pregnant, Anne com- 
plained that her stepmother was entirely too secretive, 
and doubted whether or not she were enceinte. Nearly a 
month before the princess left London, her uncle, the 
second Earl of Clarendon, noted her unwillingness to 
concede that the child, James Edward, was her brother. 5 

i Clarendon Papers, II. 207 ; G. A. Ellis, Ellis Cor., II. 338 ; Cibber 's 
Apology, pp. 57-9; Dartmouth MSS. (H. M. C), 214; Ailesoury Memoirs 
(H. M. C), p. 191; Hatton Cor., II. 113, 118; Notes $ Queries (8th series), 
I. 152. 

2 John Dalrymple, Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, II. 191. 

3 See letters of the French minister in Lingard's Hist, of Eng., X. 351. 
* Bentinck, Memoires de Mary II, pp. 24-6. Anne probably never ceased 

to question the Pretender's legitimacy. 

s Dalrymple 's Memoirs (II, App., Pt. ii. 297-310) contains a large 
amount of correspondence between Mary and Anne, relative to the queen's 
pregnancy. See also Bentinck, supra cit., pp. 31-2, and G. Burnet, Memoires 
pour servir a I'histoire de la Grande Bretagne, pp. 291-7. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 31 

Later, Clarendon again tried to get her to support her 
father, but she steadily refused, ostensibly because James 
would not like for her to meddle. Very soon the earl felt 
called upon once more to remonstrate with her for "un- 
seemly levity." Anne replied that she "played at cards 
because it was her daily custom, and that she never did 
anything that looked like affected constraint. ' ' The true 
reason is now quite apparent, for Anne had already 
written William that Prince George would join him "as 
soon as his friends think it proper. ' n Within a few days 
she remarked to Clarendon that the people were so afraid 
of popery that many more would follow his son's example 
and desert to William. 2 When Churchill went over to 
William, he left a letter for James, professing deep sor- 
row in having to leave him on account of his religious 
scruples. Prince George penned a similar explanation, 
emphasizing the same point of religion, and voicing the 
same hope that the king might come to no harm, and Anne 
likewise wrote to the queen, expressing identical senti- 
ments. 3 These letters convince one that it is almost in- 
conceivable that each of the three should have left notes 
of explanation so similar in phrase and content, unless 
there had been a previous agreement on the subject. 

It would seem, therefore, that Anne 's decision to aban- 
don her father was not taken on the spur of the moment, 
so her fright must have been due to the unexpected return 
of James to London ; and his order to the lord chamber- 
lain to seize Churchill's houses in London and St. Albans, 
and probably take his wife into custody as well, discon- 
certed her and her companion, who were both short of 

i Dalrymple, Memoirs, II, Pt. i. 333. 

2 Clarendon Papers, II. 305. See also Thomas, p. 37; Lingard, Hist, of 
Eng., X. 352. 

sLansdowne MSS (B. M.), 1236, f. 230; W. Kennett, Complete Hist., 
III. 498. 



32 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

funds at that time. Had they planned a long journey. 
Lady Churchill certainly would have attended to that 
matter in plenty of time. Had Anne been unable to pre- 
vail upon the lord chamberlain to delay the execution of 
his order, Lady Churchill could not have left London at 
that time. 1 Yet Sarah's influence was a factor in Anne's 
desertion of her father, although her devotion to the 
church was proverbial, 2 and her dislike and fear of Mary 
of Modena a matter of common report. Believing that 
deception had been employed at the birth of the Pre- 
tender, she was seized with a deep resentment against 
the Catholics, who seemed bent upon depriving her of her 
right to the throne. Anne did much to advance the suc- 
cess of the Revolution by deserting her father. Lacking 
her aid, William might never have become king, and with- 
out her continued support, "his throne would suffer in 
stability and dignity. ' ' 

As soon as William had established himself in London, 
Anne returned to the Cockpit in Whitehall and gave her 
loyal support to William and Mary. Her stand is said 
to have been due to Lady Churchill, who disclaims the 
responsibility, although conceding that she persuaded the 
princess "to the project of that settlement, and to be 
easy under it, after it was made." 3 Whoever may have 
prompted her, it is indisputable that she had the courage 
to stand forth publicly against her father and Catholi- 
cism. Unhappily, her religion was so akin to supersti- 
tion that she never ceased to regret this step. Anne, 
realizing that she had been her father's favorite, could 
never think of him in exile without remorse, and the Jaco- 

i Colville, p. 71. 

2Harleian MSS., 6584, f. 271a; Macpherson, I. 282; Bentinck, supra cit., 
p. 28. 

3 Conduct, pp. 19-22; Other Side, p. 22; Macaulay, p. 1292. Lady 
Churchill insisted, however, that it took the additional urging of Lady Eussell 
and Dr. Tillotson to cause Anne to give up her present right to the throne. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 33 

bites saw to it that she was constantly reminded of her 
ingratitude. 1 

The princess was just as willing, however, to stand for 
her rights against the new sovereigns. Friction soon 
arose between Anne and the king, because his attitude 
was not what she had anticipated when she championed 
his claim to the throne. For this quarrel Macaulay holds 
the Churchills entirely responsible, insisting that Anne 
was completely controlled by them, and that they brought 
her into serious financial difficulties ; first with her father 
and later with William. No one doubts the exceeding 
fondness of the Churchills for money, or that its accumu- 
lation was one of the leading motives of their public and 
private life, but this alone does not prove the charge 
against them, although there is a strong presumption 
that they feathered their nest according to the" prevailing 
fashion. 

Anne had been most liberally supported by both her 
uncle and her father, but she was ever in financial straits. 
Yet, Lady Churchill repeatedly tells us that the princess 
was exceedingly economical, and many others bear out 
her testimony. Anne never purchased a jewel for her own 
use, as she looked upon jewelry as the greatest of vanities. 
When the Earl of Oxford wished parliament to purchase 
the Pitt diamond for her, she forbade it, saying "it was a 
. . . pity that Greenwich Hospital was not finished." 2 
If, then, Anne did not spend her allowance herself, what 
became of it? 

Lady Churchill, now Countess of Marlborough (1689), 
also emphasized Anne's lavish rewards to her friends. 
As Sarah and her husband were her most intimate asso- 

i In 1701, Mary of Modena sent her James's dying wishes. Beaumont et 
Bernois, La Cour des Stuarts, p. 237; T. S. Evans, Life of Robert Frampton, 
p. 205. 

2 Dartmouth MSS. (H. M. C), Intro., v; Journal to Stella, 8 August, 
1711. 



34 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

ciates, what is more natural than that the princess should 
shower gifts upon them? The countess may have been 
an "abandoned liar," as Macaulay suggests, but her 
word may well be accepted when she unconsciously con- 
demns herself, by saying that Anne bestowed upon her 
a pension and later gave a dowry of £5,000 to each of her 
four charming daughters. 1 To anyone who knows aught 
of the countess, it is inconceivable that she should be 
surrounded by wealth without securing some of it, or that 
the princess should bestow choice gifts upon other friends 
and totally neglect her. 

The greater Anne's allowance, the more bountiful 
would be her presents. Thus both self-interest and 
friendship would urge the countess to aid Anne to in- 
crease her pension. At any rate, William's reign was 
scarcely a year old before Anne demanded a liberal settle- 
ment as heir apparent. Although enjoying a pension in 
excess of £30,000, she asked for £70,000. Nor was appli- 
cation made to the king, inasmuch as William had stated 
in emphatic terms that he could not understand how ' ' the 
Princess could spend £30,000 a year." Consequently her 
case was presented directly to parliament. William 
immediately sent the Duke of Shrewsbury to wait upon 
the countess, asking her to obtain Anne's permission to 
withdraw the case from the Commons, and offering the 
princess a settlement of £50,000 a year. 2 The countess 
expressed some doubt of the king's sincerity, and advised 
Shrewsbury to wait upon Anne in person. He met a cool 
reception there, as the princess replied: "Since that 
affair was before the Commons, it must even take the 
course and be concluded by that wise body." She 
thought herself justified in seeking an allowance, and 

i Eeid, pp. 117, 471. It was current that Sarah gained "much larger 
sums ' ' by gambling with Anne. Thomas, p. 49 ; Marlb. MSS., p. 52. 

2 R. Doebner, Memoirs of Mary II, p. 17; Conduct, p. 33; C. J., X. 310. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 35 

"reasonable to see what her friends could do for her." 1 
Firmly on this ground she stood, and parliament finally 
voted her £50,000 a year. 2 

Anne had gained her end and somewhat humiliated 
William, but she was soon to find it a Pyrrhic victory. 
The king thought the Marlboroughs responsible for the 
obstinacy of the princess. Indeed, there was no doubt 
of it, as the countess openly boasted of her part in it. 3 
Why did the latter side with Anne? Was it because she 
thought it her duty to guard the oppressed? This is 
unlikely, as the princess had been well treated up to this 
time. 4 Two probable explanations appear; either the 
countess expected to share in Anne's good fortune, or 
she saw, in thus opposing William, a better opportunity 
of aiding her husband in his schemes, the exact nature of 
which still remains a matter of doubt. 

Before many months had passed, however, the king 
began to suspect Marlborough. Fearing that he was in 
communication with James II, he dismissed the earl from 
all his employments, forbade him to attend court, and 
later committed him to the Tower. Such a move placed 
in jeopardy the countess's honorable position, since it 
was not customary, even in those days of double-dealing, 
for a traitor's wife to retain an important place at court. 
Yet this might have passed unnoticed, had the countess 
remained in the background; had not Anne, insisting 
upon her rights, brought her along when she called upon 
the queen! This incident partly explains Mary's frank 

i Coke, III. 123. Coke said this was her reply to Wharton and Shrews- 
bury. 

2C. J., X. 310, 319; Other Side, p. 37; Conduct, pp. 32-4. 

3 See Life of the Duchess, pp. 16-21; Doebner, Memoirs, p. 18; Conduct, 
pp. 31-5. 

* The countess was then high in the graces of William and Mary herself, 
as she thought her recommendation might help her uncle, Dr. Lister, obtain 
a post as one of the king's five physicians, although four were already 
chosen. Lister MSS. (Bodl.), IV. 5. 



36 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

letter to her sister. "I tell you plainly," she wrote, 
"Lady Marlborough must not continue with you in the 
circumstances her lord is." The demand was reasonable, 
but it was couched in unfriendly terms, 1 and Anne would 
have been scarcely human had she not resented its spirit. 
"I think," she replied, "this proceeding can be for no 
other intent than to give me a very sensible mortification, 
so there is no misery that I cannot readily resolve to 
suffer, rather than thoughts of parting with her. ' ' 2 

Marlborough's disgrace was not the sole cause of the 
queen's action, as Mary had more than three years before 
criticized the religious views of the countess. "I am 
sorry people have taken great pains to give you so ill a 
character of Lady Churchill," was the princess's loyal 
retort. "I believe there is nobody in the world has better 
tokens of religion than she has. I am sure she is not as 
strict as some are, nor does she keep such a bustle with 
religion ; which I confess I think ne 'er the worse, for one 
sees so many saints devils that if you be a good Christian 
the less stir one makes it better in my opinion. As for 
her moral principles, it is impossible to have better and 
without that all the lifting eyes, [and] going to Church 
will prove but very lame devotion." 3 The queen also 
suspected that the countess was probably aiding her hus- 
band in reconciling Anne and her father. Although Mary 
may have lacked definite proof of Anne's complicity, the 
latter unquestionably had written to James weeks before 
Marlborough's disgrace, expressing remorse for her 
desertion, and a deep concern for his misfortunes. 4 Mis- 

i Miss Sandars thinks ' ' no one can accuse it of harshness. ' ' Mary II, 
p. 319. She probably follows Burnet. Harleian MSS., 6584, f. 69a. 

2 Thomson, I. 458-9 ; Conduct, p. 58. 

s Birch MSS. (B. M.), 4163. Mary was told that Sarah "abhors 
Catholicism. ' ' 

* Ailesbury Memoirs (H. M. C), p. 293; Strickland, XII. 135. For 
Mary's own account, see Doebner, Memoirs, p. 38. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 37 

trusting her sister's loyalty, and disliking her independ- 
ence, the queen could do no less than insist upon the dis- 
missal of the woman she held responsible for both. 

Being naturally wilful and possessed of a profound 
liking for the countess, Anne was loath to part with her, 
but it was not this alone that accounts for her attitude ; 
she had personal grievances against both the king and 
queen, the most important of which was William's cava- 
lier treatment of her husband, Prince George of Den- 
mark. Authorities are for once in complete accord as to 
the mediocrity of Prince George. Charles II 's witty 
remark that he had tried him both drunk and sober, and 
that "drunk or sober, there is nothing in him," was cor- 
roborated by James II when he learned of his desertion. 
"What, is est-il-possible gone! Were he not my son-in- 
law, a single trooper would have been a greater loss." 1 
William was proverbially impatient with men of slender 
ability, hence he tactlessly paid little attention to his 
clumsy, stupid, besotted brother-in-law. Although me- 
diocre in intelligence, Prince George was exceedingly 
desirous to be of service and asked to accompany William 
to Ireland. He was denied, however, the usual courtesy 
of traveling in the same coach with the king, an honor 
which was reserved for the Earl of Portland. The prince 
probably paid little attention to this slight, but Anne's 
indignation was aroused, although she might have over- 
looked the discourtesy, had it not been followed by 
another. The crisis in English naval affairs after the 
unfortunate battle of Beachy Head (1690) probably 
appealed to George's patriotism, and he begged to go to 
sea without a command. Mistaking William's silence as 
consent, he prepared to take ship. By that time the king 
was in Holland, and it fell to Mary to prohibit the 

i Lingard, Hist, of Eng., X. 352. The prince was called est-il-possible 
from his customary exclamation. 



38 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

prince's sailing, after she had found it impossible to 
persuade him to forego his plans. 

Anne nursed other grievances as well, one of which 
was some unpleasantness over the place of residence of 
herself and her family. She desired the apartments 
formerly occupied by the Duchess of Portsmouth. Since 
she was unable to secure quarters for her servants near 
them, she took the Portsmouth apartments for her chil- 
dren, and remained herself at the Cockpit. She later 
asked for Richmond Palace that her children might have 
better air, but this was refused, probably because it was 
being used by the sister of William's mistress, and Anne 
felt very indignant, particularly because she had to bow 
to the wishes of a shameless woman. In addition, 
William's personal discourtesies to the princess increased 
her determination to keep the countess with her. 

Thoroughly aware of the importance of her position, 
Anne felt that the king was ungrateful for the part 
she had played in the Revolution. So to all forms of 
persuasion she was impervious, and she wrote again to 
her sister : " I am sorry I find that all I have said myself, 
and Lord Rochester for me, has not had effect enough to 
keep your Majesty from persisting in a resolution, which 
you are satisfied must be so great a mortification to me, 
as, to avoid it, I shall be obliged to deprive myself of the 
satisfaction of living where I might have frequent oppor- 
tunity of assuring you of my duty and respect." 1 

Anne's threat to retire did not weaken Mary's decision, 
although she wrote once more, making her intentions 
much clearer. The queen insisted upon immediate com- 
pliance, and the princess left court, not only to retain the 
countess's companionship, but because she felt that such 
a move would make her appear a martyr in the eyes of 

i Conduct, p. 58. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 39 

the English masses among whom William was so unpopu- 
lar. If the king or queen "imagine to vex me or gain 
upon me by such sort of usage, they will be mightily dis- 
appointed," she wrote to the countess, "and I hope that 
these foolish things they do, will every day show people 
more and more what they are, and that they truly deserve 
the name your faithful Morley has given them." 1 She 
was correct in her surmise, because William's attitude 
towards Anne increased his difficulties with parliament. 
How grateful the princess was to the woman who had 
supported her interests at court appears in a letter, which 
exhibits so much of her force of character as to warrant 
its being quoted at length. "I must give my dear Mrs. 
Freeman ten thousand thanks for her two kind letters 
and assure her 'tis not necessary to make excuses at 
length. Could you imagine how very welcome they are 
to me, I am sure you would not do it. I hear Lord Marl- 
borough is sent to the Tower and though I am certain 
they have nothing against him and expected by your 
letter it would be so, yet I was struck when I was told of 
it, for me thinks it is a dismal thing to have one's friends 
sent to that place. I have a thousand melancholy 
thoughts and can't help fearing they should hinder you 
from coming to me, though how they could do that 
without making you a prisoner too, I cannot imagine. I 
am just now told by pretty good hands that as soon as 
the wind turns westerly there will be guards set upon the 
Prince and me. If you hear there is any such thing de- 
signed and 'tis easy to you, pray let me see you before 
the wind changes, for afterwards one does not know 
whether they will let one have opportunities of speaking 
to one another. But let them do what they please, 

i Molloy, Queen's Comrade, I. 219. To avoid meaningless etiquette in 
their letters, Anne and Sarah adopted the names of Morley and Freeman 
respectively. 



40 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

nothing shall ever vex me so I can have the satisfaction 
of seeing dear Mrs. Freeman. I swear I could live upon 
bread and water between four walls with her without 
repining, for as long as you continue kind nothing can 
ever be a real mortification to your faithful Morley, who 
wishes she may never have a moment's happiness in this 
world or the next, if ever she proves false to you. ' " 

As early as 1691, Anne had been alarmed by the in- 
formation that she was really "an honourable prisoner 
and in the hands of the Dutch guards, ' ' but she was terri- 
fied now by the warning that unless she dismissed the 
countess voluntarily, she would be "obliged to it." 2 Her 
punishment began at once and nothing "in the power of 
the Crown to inflict upon her was spared. ' ' 3 Her guard 
of honor was taken away; foreign ministers ceased to 
wait upon her ; the rector at St. James was advised not 
to show her the usual courtesies; when she went to 
Bath, the mayor was requested to omit the formalities 
with which royal visitors were customarily received. The 
courtiers quickly took the hint, and the prince and prin- 
cess were neglected. Anne bitterly complained of this 
ostracism: "I cannot end this without telling you that 
the guards in St. James Park did not stand to their arms, 
either when the Prince went or came. I can't believe it 
was their Dutch breeding alone, but Dutch orders made 
them do it, because they never omitted it before, and they 
could not pretend to be surprised." 4 In Anne's delicate 
state of health such treatment was nothing if not brutal, 
but it only added to her obstinacy. ' ' Being now at liberty 
to go where I please, by the Queen's refusal to see me," 
she wrote to the countess, "I am mightily inclined to go 

i Keid, p. 77. 

2 Thomson, I. 203-6. 

3 Macaulay, pp. 2127-8. 

4 Keid, p. 83. See also Marlb. MSS., p. 58; Burnet, IV. 164. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 41 

tomorrow after dinner to the Cockpit, and from thence 
privately in a chair to see you. ' n 

Did the countess urge Anne to resist the queen? She 
denied the accusation categorically, and her statement is 
rendered probable by some lines of the princess : ' ' Can 
you think either of us [George and Anne] so wretched," 
she wrote, "that for the sake of £20,000 and to be tor- 
mented from morning to night with flattering knaves and 
fools, we should forsake those we have such obligations 
to, and that we are so certain we are the occasion of all 
their misfortunes." 2 Later Anne said: "You must give 
me leave, at once, to beg you will never mention so cruel 
a thing again, for it pierces to my very heart and soul, 
and for God's sake, be assured, besides the acting a base, 
ungrateful part towards you (which is a thing I abhor) 
I am fully persuaded I should be the meanest, pityfullest 
wretch on earth if I did not retire." 3 Anne was so 
aroused that she vowed she would keep the countess "in 
spite of their teeth," and would go to the "utmost verge 
of the earth rather than live with such monsters. ' ' 4 She 
swore, moreover, that she "would sooner be torn in 
pieces" 5 than yield, and yield she never did, although 
subjected to systematic persecution. Even under the 
trying ordeal of her last interview with Queen Mary, her 
will power stood the test. While recovering from a 
serious illness, she was waited upon without ceremony by 
the queen, who demanded forthwith the countess's dis- 
missal. Anne replied that she "had never in all her life 

i Conduct, p. 79. See also Chamberlen, p. 9; Clarke and Foxcroft, Burnet, 
p. 307. 

2 Molloy, Queen's Comrade, I. 215; Other Side, pp. 109-10; Conduct, 
pp. 72-3. 

3 Eeid, p. 79. 

* Thomson, I. 460-3. 

s Eeid, pp. 83-4, 88. For Mary's statements see Doebner, Memoirs, p. 45. 
Several of Anne's letters are printed in Molloy, op. cit., I. 209-50. 



42 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

disobeyed her, except in that one particular, which she 
hoped would some time or other, appear as reasonable 
to her Majesty as it did to her." 1 

Few persons have the courage, even under extraor- 
dinary condition, to intrigue against their parents. Yet 
Anne, often charged with obtuseness and pusillanimity, 
helped make the Revolution possible, because she feared 
for the future of Protestantism in England. James II 
never suspected his retiring daughter of so much deter- 
mination, while William and Mary never supposed that 
Anne would be so bold as to disobey their commands. 
Yet she asked parliament for a settlement and secured 
it ; furthermore, she would not, even in the face of threats 
and insults, part with Lady Marlborough. 

Both Anne and Mary were bent upon having their own 
way, and all hopes of a reconciliation were cut short by 
the latter 's tragic death. Soon afterwards William 
showed a great many marks of disrespect to the princess, 
which became so apparent that people began to murmur, 
and finally, for political reasons, the king, at Somers's 
instigation, permitted the princess to return to court, 
though even then she was suspected of intriguing with 
her father. Anne's desire to choose the members of the 
Duke of Gloucester's establishment increased William's 
distrust ; yet he acceded to her wishes in appointing Marl- 
borough as the boy's guardian, although he insisted upon 
Burnet as tutor. 2 

The young duke suddenly died in 1700 and Anne was 
inconsolable. The king had become inordinately fond of 
his namesake, and looked upon him as England's future 
king. With his death, the last tie binding William to his 
sister-in-law was dissolved. Her loss filled Anne with 

i Conduct, p. 70. See London Gazette, 17 April, 1692. 
2 FranUand-Bussell-Astley MSS. (H. M. C), p. 94; T. Somerville, Trans., 
p. 629. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 43 

superstitious fear, for she concluded that her bereave- 
ment was really a punishment for deserting her father, 
whose forgiveness she decided to gain before it was too 
late. So she asked his permission to accept the crown in 
accordance with the Act of Settlement that had just been 
passed. 1 Being already suspicious of Anne, James was 
now convinced of her duplicity, and thought ' ' she merely 
wished to learn his intentions that she might defeat them, 
if they were opposed to her own determination to rule 
as queen." 2 This judgment was unfair, because Glouces- 
ter's death had weakened her resolution to ascend the 
throne which by hereditary right belonged to her father. 3 

William III, surrounded as he was by intriguers, had 
become more alert, and quickly learned of Anne's corre- 
spondence. Already embittered against her, he deter- 
mined to punish her severely, by refusing the usual for- 
malities of mourning at court for her son. William's 
hatred was heartily reciprocated. "I cannot let your 
servant go back," Anne wrote to Godolphin, ''without 
returning my thanks for the letter, and assuring you it 
is a very great satisfaction to me to find you agree . . . 
concerning the ill-natured cruel proceedings of Mr. Cali- 
ban [William] who vexes me more than you can imagine, 
and I am out of all patience when I think I must do so 
monstrous a thing as not to put my lodgings in mourning 
for my father." 4 

Such barbarous treatment in no sense broke down her 
will. She remained as rebellious as ever, and it is diffi- 

i E. Spanheim, Relation de la cour d'Angleterre, p. 600; C. Cole, Memoirs 
of Affairs of State, p. 193; Clarke, James II, II. 559. 

2 Kyan, I. 84. See ib., I. 149. 

3 L 'Hermitage to Heinsius, 10 March, 1702, Eijks Archief, 26 A . 

* Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28070, f. 2. "Caliban," "Dutch 
Monster," and "Abortion" were Mrs. Freeman's and Mrs. Morley's 
favorite names for William. Macaulay criticises such expressions by Anne 
as the ' ' style of a fishwoman, ' ' which would seem somewhat too severe. 
Hist., p. 2128. 



44 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

cult to conclude that she acted as a tool of the Marl- 
boroughs. Indeed, she had a will and policy all her own, 
in the carrying out of which the countess rendered great 
service because it was to her interest, financial and other- 
wise, to do so. When Anne became queen, she really 
needed Lady Marlborough's help at court, so she made 
her groom of the stole and keeper of the privy purse. 
Military affairs were in a critical state, and the queen 
chose Marlborough — the only able English general — as 
the head of her army. 

These two appointments have usually been taken to 
mean that Queen Anne was entirely controlled by the 
captain-general and his wife. The great Whig historian 
has given wide currency to this idea, and his less able 
successors have assumed that, if the Marlboroughs ' in- 
fluence over Princess Anne was large, their power over 
Queen Anne was supreme. An examination of Anne's 
early life has not proved that she was so completely under 
their control, and their later relations must be studied 
before any conclusions can be drawn. 

Before proceeding farther, however, three additional 
incidents, throwing some light upon Anne's intelligence 
and force of character, will be given. During James's 
reign, the Earl of Scarsdale, an officer in Anne's house- 
hold, having incurred the king's displeasure, was sum- 
marily dismissed from all his offices. The princess 
sought to retain him, and yielded only to James's direct 
command. The Earl of Sunderland was one of the 
shrewdest men of the Revolution ; he was first on one side 
and then on the other; no statesman of his time pre- 
tended to understand him. In the light of all his re- 
searches, Macaulay confessed his inability to fathom 
the man, and even with our present-day knowledge, he 
remains much of a mystery. ' ' One thing I forgot to tell 
you about this noble Lord," wrote Anne to her sister 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 45 

early in 1688, "which is that if everything does not go 
here as he would have it, that he will pick a quarrel with 
the court, and so retire, and by that means it is possible 
he may make his court to you." 1 In view of his later 
activities, this is one of the best prophecies in regard to 
this political trickster of which we have any record. 

The Earl of Rochester, Anne's uncle, was another in- 
fluential statesman of the Revolution, and was active as 
an intermediary in her quarrel with Mary. From his 
attitude towards her, as well as the general tenor of these 
negotiations, Anne gained the idea that he was trying to 
trick her. Without wasting a single moment, she wrote : 
"I give you many thanks for the compliments and ex- 
pressions of service . . . which I should be much better 
pleased with, than I am, if I had any reason to think them 
sincere." 2 This note must have come as a decided sur- 
prise to a skilful minister, who probably imagined he 
was hoodwinking his unsophisticated niece. 

It is now time to note the characterizations of Anne 
given by a number of secondary writers, and later the 
basis for their statements will be examined. Cooke's 
estimate is among the most hostile. Speaking of these 
"two weak-minded persons," he insisted that "Anne was 
scarcely superior to her husband in intellect; her opinions 
were prejudices; they had been received without exami- 
nation, and were retained without suspicion. ' ' 3 The full 
force of this comparison is apparent only when we recall 
the caustic remarks of Charles II and James II, who 
knew her consort well. We gain the same impression of 
Anne from Macaulay, who says that "When in good 
humour she was meekly stupid, and when in ill humour, 
sulkily stupid." "Her powers of mind were certainly 

i Ryan, I. 150. 

2 Conduct, p. 93; Colville, p. 92; Other Side, pp. 93-5. 

3 History of Party, I. 525, 543. See also J. Forster, Defoe, pp. 41-2. 



46 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

not considerable, ' ' notes Lord Mahon. ' ' She had no wit 
of her own nor appreciation of wit in others. No one 
could have less share, less sympathy, in the great intel- 
lectual movements . . . [of] her reign." In the latter 
part of this observation there is unquestionably a large 
element of truth, as the queen's interests were con- 
fessedly personal and political. Paul caustically says 
that "She never showed any power, and seldom any 
wish, to comprehend the great issues of European 
politics, the fierce struggles of political parties, which 
were decided and fought out by her soldiers and ministers 
in her name." Another writes, "Poor Anne, unfortu- 
nately scarcely ever enjoyed more than the shadow of 
that authority, which was disputed by factions, both 
equally intent upon personal aggrandizement." 1 

The evidence cited by these harsh critics is scarcely 
sufficient to warrant such reflections, but they form the 
basis for the current conceptions of Queen Anne. It is, 
however, somewhat surprising that so little attention has 
been paid to Jonathan Swift's keen observations, 2 and 
the statements of Voltaire, while much of the force of the 
accounts by the Duchess of Marlborough and Lady 
Masham seem to have been lost. All these will be noticed 
in due time. 

Some idea of the new queen has now been gained, and 
we shall next glance briefly at some of the more con- 
spicuous characters of the reign. The men first to be 
mentioned cannot be strictly considered as members of 
either the "Whig or the Tory parties, since they are found 

1 Thomson, II. 179. For similar characterizations, see Michael, Eng. 
Gesch., I. 227; Strickland, XII. 44; Von Noorden, I. 185; M. G. Howitt, 
Queens of England, p. 478. A more favorable view may be found in A. L. 
Cross, Hist, of Eng. and Greater Britain, Eoscoe, Barley, W. F. Lord, Politi- 
cal Parties, and Bunbury, Eanmer. 

2 Change in the Queen's Ministry and Four Last Years of the Beign. His 
Journal to Stella hints at the same thing. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 47 

acting first with one and then with the other, in some 
important capacity. This was largely due to the lax 
political morality of the years succeeding the Eevolution, 
when statesmen chose safety rather than consistency as 
their motto. Another cause for this vacillation was the 
indefinite stand of the two parties on many questions; 
while, as now, the disappointed politician sought alliances 
where his merits would be most substantially rewarded. 

Marlborough was one of these statesmen without fixed 
political affiliations, and is generally esteemed the great- 
est of them all, on account of his transcendent ability as 
general, diplomat, and politician. Voltaire said that he 
never fought a battle without victory, or besieged a town 
without success. He had already served three sovereigns, 
but to none of them had he been true. Nevertheless, the 
charm of the man was irresistible, despite his squeaky 
voice and penuriousness. His pleasing address never 
gained him any widespread popularity, however, even in 
the hour of victory, because he was always too self- 
centered, and owned no principle but self-interest. At 
the beginning of Anne's reign, the earl was thoroughly 
Tory in sympathy, 1 due in all probability to his reverence 
for the crown and the principles of the Established 
Church, but such an alliance soon proved embarrassing, 
as the Tories were unwilling to enter enthusiastically 
into the war. 

The political career of Marlborough would be most 
interesting in itself, but it becomes vital when one con- 
siders that his talented wife was Anne's trusted com- 
panion. The countess was the most talked-of woman of 
her age, as well as the most cordially hated. In contrast 
to her cool, imperturbable husband, she was quick-tem- 
pered and exceedingly frank, while her likes and dislikes 

i Consult the letter of Bonet, the Prussian representative in London, which 
is quoted by Von Noorden, I. 200. 



48 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

were both well pronounced. As the mother of four at- 
tractive daughters, all of whom married into the noblest 
families of England, Lady Marlborough would have been 
closely connected with political affairs, even though she 
had not been Mrs. Morley's "dear Mrs. Freeman." Her 
most prominent son-in-law was Sunderland's heir and 
one of the Whig leaders. Either from natural inclination 
and her Low Church proclivities, or through his influence, 
the countess soon began to favor the Whigs, and at- 
tempted to convert her husband. 

Sidney, later Earl of Godolphin, was closely allied with 
the Marlboroughs in politics and his son had married 
their eldest daughter. He was a modest, self-effacing 
man, who had the tact and good fortune to serve the last 
three monarchs in important financial positions, gener- 
ally to the satisfaction of each. Charles II aptly sum- 
marized his character by saying that he "was never in 
the way, and never out of it." Though possessed of 
great financial ability, he was very much of a bore in 
society, as his chief interests lay in cock-fighting and 
horse-racing, and he was never thoroughly happy except 
at the Newmarket race course. Thrown, as he was, into 
the maelstrom of partisan politics, he showed his lack of 
courage and of political acumen, and was overcome by 
an abler intriguer, who was less timorous and fearful of 
responsibility. 

Robert Harley was an important associate of both 
Marlborough and Godolphin. He was reared a Presby- 
terian, and his family had always been Whig, but he was 
ambitious and promotion came slowly among the Whigs, 
who had a number of active leaders; so he became a 
moderate Tory, although his principles remained those 
of a conservative Whig throughout his career. His polit- 
ical abilities were of a high order, but they were to no 
inconsiderable extent nullified by his habit of extreme pro- 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 49 

crastination, and an attitude of perfect inscrutableness 
even to his most intimate friends. Both these traits were 
accentuated in later years by an ungovernable fondness 
for drink, 1 which frequently incapacitated him for effec- 
tive political activity. 

Henry St. John was an intimate friend of Harley, and 
had somewhat the same political inclinations. In his own 
day he was famed equally as an orator, literary man, 
intriguer, free-thinker, and libertine, a reputation which 
in all its phases has not grown less with age. He changed 
to the Tories about the time of Anne's accession, and like 
Harley gained a place in the composite ministry of 
Godolphin through his political sagacity. Each of these 
men was without any scruples or gratitude, when such 
inconvenient principles stood in the way of political ad- 
vancement. They and the queen were really the ' ' admin- 
istration" from the summer of 1710 until Anne's death, 
and their political manipulations were probably as 
skilful as any that England had ever seen. 

The Duke of Shrewsbury was a shrewd courtier, who 
stood between the Godolphin and Harley ministries and 
was the nemesis of both. He was of illustrious birth and 
ample fortune. Personally he was most agreeable and 
possessed great culture, speaking French and Italian like 
a native. His notorious mother exerted much power 
over him, and he was educated a Catholic, but through 
Somers's influence he became a Protestant and a Whig. 
Nevertheless, he remains one of the most elusive public 
men of all time. His party affiliations were more variable 
than those of the other men already mentioned. In the 

i Cowper 's Diary contains a good characterization, although it is a trifle 
too severe, even from a fair-minded opponent Lady Marlborough's opinion 
is not as hostile as might be expected. Priv. Cor., I. 140. Many of Harley 's 
letters may be found in the Portland Papers. His severest critic is the 
author of A Detection of the Secret History of the White Staff. Cf. Swift 's 
estimates in the Journal to Stella, passim. 



50 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

case of the others, one is able to tell on which side they 
were for the nonce, but for Shrewsbury this is impossible, 
perhaps for the simple reason that he did not know 
himself. He had served James II and then had helped 
seat William on the throne. For motives known only to 
himself, he corresponded with James, but in the face of 
exposure he resigned. Indeed, he had a most adroit way 
of avoiding political responsibility by quitting office at 
critical moments upon a plea of illness. Yet this vacil- 
lating, one-eyed, sickly gallant exerted more authority 
in important crises in English politics than any other 
statesman of his day. 1 On one occasion, he helped create 
a revolution; at another, he overthrew a ministry; at a 
third, he assured the Protestant succession in the House 
of Hanover and spoiled all the plans of the Jacobites. 

Another interesting character of the epoch was Daniel 
Finch, Earl of Nottingham, whom Swift dubbed as 
"Dismal." His father was Sir Heneage Finch, a judge 
of great ability, and Daniel resembled his parent in many 
ways. He was one of the most virtuous and honorable 
men in a time of loosest morality. Although an orator of 
parts, he was much too prolix, and his gloomy demeanor 
prevented his making many friends. His religious sin- 
cerity was exceptional, and he remained throughout life 
a steadfast Churchman. Although allied with the High 
Churchmen, he had stood, not only for toleration but for 
comprehension. 2 He was a man of much influence, but 
imperious, and early in Anne's reign incurred her fatal 
displeasure by his insolence. At heart a thoroughgoing 
Tory, he had a high idea of the prerogative. He aided in 
overthrowing the Whigs in 1710, but Harley failed to 
satisfy his ambition for a portfolio, and he left his party 

i Shrewsb. Cor., pp. 634-45; Macky, Memoirs, p. 14; Hearne, I. 140; 
Priv. Cor., II. 124. 

2 Harleian MSS. (B. M.), 6584, ff. 270b; Macaulay, pp. 894, 1394. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 51 

at a most critical moment, when nothing short of a revolu- 
tionary measure sufficed to keep it in power. 1 

This ends the list of "waverers," and we now turn to 
the leading Tories. Rochester was perhaps the fore- 
most of them. He was honest, but his ability was medi- 
ocre, and his mismanagement in 1685 cost the Exchequer 
£45,000. 2 Like Harley, he was much too fond of drink. 3 
He was vehement in the extreme and when aroused swore 
like a porter. Nevertheless, he was a typical High 
Church Tory, who hated the Dissenters worse than he did 
Satan, heartily opposed England's entrance into the war 
as a principal, and was averse to any extension of parlia- 
mentary rights and privileges. 

Sir Edward Seymour was another influential High- 
flier, although he confessed that seven years had passed 
" since he had received the sacrament or heard a sermon 
in the Church of England." 4 He was a descendant 
through the elder line of the Protector Somerset, and his 
political power in the southwestern counties, particularly 
around Exeter, was usually supreme. He was as proud 
as Jupiter, absolutely fearless, possessed considerable 
skill as a debater, and was well versed in parliamentary 
usages. He might have done much to reform parlia- 
mentary representation had he been less corrupt and 
intolerant. Finally, we must mention as belonging to 
this group, Sir Simon Harcourt, who was not so devoted 
a churchman as Seymour or Rochester, but was a loyal 
Tory, and probably the most brilliant lawyer in his party. 

Another type of Tory carried its politics to the point 



1 The creation of twelve Tory peers December 31, 1711. 

2Macaulay, pp. 241, 268; Ailesbury MSS. (H. M. C.), I. 232. 

s On one occasion after stripping himself almost naked, he climbed a post 
to drink King William's health. Macky, Memoirs, p. 30; Remarks on the 
Conduct, pp. 36, sq. 

* Cunningham, History of Great Britain, I. 317. 



52 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

of treason, and bore the name of Jacobite. The number 
belonging to this faction was not as large as is usually 
supposed, since its apparent strength came from the 
reputation of a few leaders, of whom Ormond stands as 
the most picturesque, for though certainly not the ablest, 
he was a popular hero and the idol of his party. 1 He was 
generous to a fault, but exceedingly vain, and his aver- 
sion to business was proverbial, while at critical moments 
he was timid and vacillating. A man of much greater 
force was Dr. Atterbury, later bishop of Rochester. He 
was the soul of the Jacobite movement among the clergy, 
and was firmly ensconced in the affections of the court. 
When the time came to test the strength of the Jacobites, 
he stood almost alone in advocating violence. 2 The Earl 
of Jersey was a Jacobite of considerable prominence but 
of little real ability. Without much doubt, the leading 
figure of this group was the Scottish Duke of Hamilton, 
whose untimely death in a duel had much to do with the 
final discomfiture of the Jacobites upon the queen's 
death. 3 He was very close to the sovereign, closer, some 
aver, than any other man, save possibly Harley. 

The Tories were unfortunate in having their member- 
ship divided into three distinct factions, but doubly so in 
having their leaders split up so equally among these 
groups, which refused to co-operate in carrying through 
important policies. The Whigs were more closely organ- 
ized and possessed a definite policy. Their cohesive force 
came from the Hanoverian succession; their motive 
power and directing energy, from the second Whig junto, 
which was composed of Somers, Wharton, Halifax, Or- 
ford, and Charles Spencer, later Earl of Sunderland. 

i Macky, Memoirs, p. 10; Wyon, I. 105. 
2 See King's Anecdotes, pp. 8-9. 

s Just before his death he was nominated peace plenipotentiary, and it 
was the Pretender 's great misfortune that Shrewsbury succeeded him. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 53 

All five were men of ability, particularly the first three. 
Of this group one man has said: "Somers was the great- 
est . . • , Wharton the noisiest, Sunderland the most in- 
solent, Halifax the most brilliant, and Orford the most 
respectable." 1 They formed the inner Whig organiza- 
tion, and held together in an amazing way. They planned 
their policies, usually with considerable skill, and caused 
the Tories no end of uneasiness, even when the latter 
boasted a comfortable working majority in parliament. 

Of this clique Wharton seems to have been the astute 
political manager, while Somers gave it stability. Whar- 
ton was not only a professed atheist, but one of the most 
abandoned libertines of his day. His personality must 
have been magnetic, for he had ability akin to genius in 
securing the allegiance of able young men to the Whig 
party. As early as 1685, his skill in elections was so 
great in Buckinghamshire and vicinity that it was said 
he was directly responsible for the presence of thirty 
members in parliament. 2 In a later election he is said to 
have spent £12,000. His influence was greatly reduced by 
the hostility of the queen, who was scandalized by his 
indecencies. 

Less fascinating than Wharton, Lord Somers ranked 
as one of the greatest constitutional lawyers of his age, 
and his judicial opinions were always received with re- 
spect. Despite his well-known weakness for women, 3 
Somers was the most satisfactory character in the group, 
and one of the finest types of his day. He was a sincere 
patriot, an art connoisseur, and a patron of both litera- 
ture and art. Moreover, he had more poise and self- 
command than his associates, and was the only one whose 
honesty was unquestioned. Unfortunately he had been 

i Lord, pp. 104-5. 

2 Wharton MSS. (Bodl.), IV. 70. See also D. N. B. under "Wharton." 

a Macky, Memoirs, p. 50. 



54 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

a nervous wreck for years, and could not labor very 
energetically in the political field. 

Charles Montagu, Earl of Halifax, resembled Somers 
more than any of the others, as both were interested in 
art, and did much to encourage talented, but needy, young 
writers. Montagu had shown sterling qualities as a 
financier under William, and was mainly responsible for 
establishing the Bank of England and reforming the cur- 
rency. His skill was by no means exclusively financial, 
as he was an eloquent debater and a consummate poli- 
tician, but his early success had made him so intolerably 
vain, that the only avenue to his good graces lay through 
fulsome flattery. Another weakness was his constitu- 
tional timidity, 1 which caused him to be perpetually seek- 
ing new political alliances. 

The weakest link in the Whig chain was unquestionably 
Sunderland, the son-in-law of the Marlboroughs. Unlike 
his father, he never learned to dissemble his feelings, and 
his impulsiveness kept not only his relatives, but the 
Whig party, continually in embarrassment. He was edu- 
cated at Utrecht, where he imbibed so much republican- 
ism that he became the most radical of the Whig leaders 
and took delight in stirring up trouble. Despite his 
promises to his father-in-law, Sunderland's attitude was 
never temperate, and he soon aroused Anne's distrust, 
which contributed to the failure of some of the most 
cherished plans of the junto. 

The least active of the Whig clique was Edward Bus- 
sell, Earl of Orford. In no sense a politician, he was first 
and last a sailor. He had always been both arrogant and 
greedy. At the battle of La Hogue (1692), where he 
made his reputation, he wavered between loyalty and 
treason so long that even the French thought he had 
turned traitor. Despite his haughtiness and malignancy, 

i Coxe, I. 256; Macaulay, pp. 2394-9. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 55 

his fame and family gave him great prestige, 1 of which 
his colleagues made the most in elections. 

Notwithstanding its weaknesses, this group of men 
organized the Whigs more systematically than ever 
before. They made the party responsive to discipline, 
and frequent meetings of the party leaders, as well as 
of more select groups, determined party policies. 
Already the junto was improving upon the old methods 
of compelling members to attend parliament whenever 
there was urgent need of their presence. 2 

Besides these leaders, there were a few more Whigs 
deserving attention. The proud but mediocre Duke of 
Somerset was continually wavering in his allegiance to 
his party. He was the ranking Protestant nobleman, and 
in the course of his long life took a leading part in the 
royal ceremonies during six reigns. 3 Under Anne his 
influence was thrown into the balance at critical moments 
in support of the junto, with whom he had no personal 
sympathy whatever. Through the place held by his wife, 
he was able to get into the good graces of the queen, and 
divided her confidence with Harley and Mrs. Masham 
after the downfall of the Marlboroughs. However, he 
stands, according to Burnet, as a " ministry spoiler, 
rather than as a ministry maker." 4 A stancher Whig, 
who stood firmly with his party amid great temptations, 
was Robert Walpole, but his great opportunity did not 
come until the next reign. The list of leaders would not 
be complete without the name of a man who was neither 
a political leader nor in any real sense an eighteenth- 
century politician. Yet, in his way, Daniel Defoe in- 

i Faults on Both Sides, p. 18. Cf. Coxe, I. 259; Macaulay, pp. 2020, 2248. 
2 The contests over the election of speaker in December, 3701, and in 
1705 show the efficiency of the party "whips." See also Kent, pp. 93-7. 
a Notes $ Queries (2d series), III. 256. 
* A. A. Locke, The Seymour Family, p. 165. 



56 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

fluenced parliamentary activity indirectly as much as 
any man in the realm. He was in this reign pre- 
eminently a political journalist, but he did most efficient 
service for his superiors in the guise of a secret agent. 

Such is the list of political notables in 1702. It remains 
to see how Anne fared in dealing with them in public 
affairs. She had, however, her own private life as queen, 
and it is best to ascertain the character of those with 
whom she associated on confidential terms. Her most 
intimate companion was her own husband. He was much 
older than she, but at all times proved himself both kind 
and affectionate. What was still more wonderful for a 
courtier who had lived at Charles IPs dissolute court, 
he was faithful to his marriage vows. But here his list 
of virtues ends ! He was endowed by nature with a phy- 
sique which any Viking might have envied, but his in- 
temperance made him a wreck at fifty. Some things he 
may have loved, but two he worshiped. One was his wife, 
the other, his bottle. When Anne became queen, more 
and more of her time had to be devoted to state affairs, 
and to solace himself in her absence, George paid most 
assiduous court to Bacchus. It is pathetic to contemplate 
his gradual decline, due to his all too frequent indulgence 
in strong drink. Even in those rare moments when he 
was entirely free from the influence of brandy, his intel- 
lectual powers were never considerable. He made few 
friends, and took little interest in politics, but he was very 
fond of gossip, 1 much to Anne's chagrin, since she was 
heartily ashamed of the ridiculous figure he cut at court. 

Anne could thus expect no aid from the prince ; rather 
the reverse, as his health soon became such that he de- 
manded much of the time she should have spent in direct- 
ing affairs of state. The opinions of Prince George's 

i Macky, Memoirs, p. 3 ; Burnet, I. 643, V. 391 ; Lingard, Hist, of Eng., 
X. 353. Schaumann, Gesch. der Erwerberung, pp. 111-2. 



CONDITIONS IN ENGLAND IN 1702 57 

ability given by Charles II and James II are in a way 
corroborated by William, who scarcely mentions the 
prince's existence in his correspondence, and other con- 
temporaries are equally oblivious of his importance. 1 
Secondary authorities are even less kind. Ryan writes 
that he was "enthusiastic only over his bottle," and Paul 
suggestively remarks that he died, "having perhaps done 
as little good, and as little harm, as it is possible for a 
human being to do." 2 

The dozen or more children born to the prince and 
princess tarried but a few hours, or at most a few days, 
and left Anne sorrowing over their loss. Only one, the 
idolized Gloucester, lived long enough to brighten her life, 
but as soon as she began to have visions of him as the 
future ruler of England, he, too, was snatched away. A 
few months after his death her father died an exile at the 
court of the hospitable French king. Her half-brother, 
the living image of her Gloucester, had become definitely 
aligned against her through Louis XIV 's recognition of 
his claims to the English throne. Probably the ablest 
of all her kin was the Duke of Berwick, the natural son of 
James II by the sister of Marlborough, since he was a 
skilful general and an astute diplomat. Unluckily, his 
services were against the queen and her greatest military 
commander. Indeed, his successes in Spain against the 
English caused no small annoyance to both Marlborough 
and Anne. Though the queen was deserted completely 
by her father's relatives, she had little more satisfactory 
relations with her mother's brothers. Clarendon, the 
eldest, remained a steadfast Jacobite, while Rochester's 
imperious behavior aroused her deepest resentment. 

Thus, with all her relatives either hostile or sulking, 
because they expected greater rewards than she was 

i The Duchess of Marlborough's Remarks, printed by Eeid, p. 141. 
2 H. Paul, Queen Anne, p. 42; Ryan, pp. 138, 193; Wyon, I. 46. 



58 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

willing to bestow; with a husband who was a hindrance 
rather than a help; without children to cheer her, this 
princess, destined to be the last of the Stuart dynasty, 
was a lonely, if not an unhappy woman. She needed 
friends and confidants, supporters and administrators. 
In seeking both, it is reasonable that she should have 
continued to depend upon those who had championed her 
cause before she became queen. 



CHAPTER II 
THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT (1702-1704) 

On the evening of March 7, 1702, it was realized that the 
hours of William III were numbered, and immediately 
the courtiers began paying assiduous attention to the 
queen that was to be. Some even of the nobility con- 
descended to play the role of messenger-boys, carrying 
to Anne news of her brother-in-law's gradual dissolu- 
tion. 1 To and fro they scurried between the palace and 
Anne's apartments, bringing the latest reports of his 
sinking condition. Meanwhile, William was slowly and 
painfully breathing his life away. It was a pitiful sight 
to watch one of the noblest souls of his age pass to the 
great beyond, because each breath seemed fairly to rend 
his vitals, as though pierced with the sharpest of swords. 
Yet William died as bravely as he had lived, 2 and when 
the gray dawn of that March morning was dissolving into 
daylight, a new sovereign reigned over the British Isles, 
the first woman to rule in her own right since Elizabeth. 
In many respects Anne's position was akin to that of 
the Virgin Queen a century and a half earlier. Her main 
duty, it is true, was to reconcile two political, rather than 
religious, factions ; yet the latter task was not lacking in 
Anne's reign, as the struggle over occasional conformity 

i Cunningham, I. 257. Dartmouth's malicious statement that Burnet was 
the first to salute Anne as queen, is untrue, as younger men were intent 
upon the same errand. Jersey is said to have sent news every half hour. 
Other Side, p. 146; Ealph, Hist, of Eng., II. 1623; Eijks Archief, letter 
from L 'Hermitage to Heinsius, 10 March, 1702. 

2 Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7070, f. 27, 7074, f. 200; J. Hervey, Diary, 
8 March, 1702; S. P. Dom., Anne, I. 1. 



60 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

well shows. The problem of the succession was as vital 
in 1702 as it had been in 1558, and with it was intertwined 
the whole religious problem as to whether a Catholic 
could rule in England. The Act of Succession, like the 
will of Henry VIII, w r as not considered binding by a 
large part of the people. Elizabeth had succeeded her 
unpopular sister, while Anne followed William, who was 
disliked almost as much as "Bloody Mary" had been 
hated; but here the parallel ceases, as Elizabeth had no 
such warring factions in her parliament with which to 
contend as had Anne, factions which were conscious of 
their power because they had helped remove one sover- 
eign and make another. The last of the Tudors, too, had 
the support of a strong Protestant party, while the last 
of the Stuarts had the opposition of the stronger party, 
and only the half-hearted support of the weaker. 

Few reigns in English history are so interesting, and 
in none is the personal element more significant, on 
account of the intrigues which made and unmade minis- 
tries, while Marlborough was winning glorious victories 
over the French and Godolphin was effecting the union 
with Scotland. "No period in British history presents 
. . . such a picture of corruption, venality, unconstitu- 
tional influences, court intrigues, unbounded ambition in 
court favorites, and the extended abuse of property and 
power. . . . It is throughout, ... a scene of artifice and 
delusions." 1 

The reign opened most auspiciously for the new mon- 
arch. Both houses met promptly after William's death; 
loyal addresses were voted and an order passed to pro- 
claim the queen that afternoon. 2 Early in the evening 
the Privy Council as a body came quietly to Anne's apart- 
ments to pay her the proper compliments. Her "well- 

i Hamilton, Transactions, preface. 

2 Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7070, f . 27. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 61 

considered" reply, though it may have been written by 
others, shows traces of the queen's influence. Through- 
out her reign, her attitude towards the Privy Council, 
parliament, and ministry was more that of a Tudor than 
a Stuart, since she clearly stated her wishes and then 
appealed to the loyalty of both parliament and the people 
to support her. 

Anne's first speech to both houses shows this. She 
possessed a beautiful voice, which had been carefully 
trained. As she pronounced her brief address with grace 
and fluency, she concluded: "It shall be my constant 
endeavour, to make you the best returns for that duty 
and affection you have expressed for me, by a careful and 
diligent administration for the good of all my subjects; 
and as I know my own heart to be entirely English, I can 
sincerely assure you, there is nothing you can expect or 
desire from me, which I shall not be ready to do for the 
happiness and prosperity of England; and you will 
always find me a strict and religious observer of my 
word." 1 

The ubiquitous Burnet said that this conclusion was 
received with very bad grace by many who saw in it both 
a reflection upon the late king, and an unpleasant re- 
minder of her father's first speech to parliament. 2 
Marlborough could scarcely have been responsible for 
either part, especially not the first. With all his faults 
he was entirely too self-conscious to favor such an attack 
upon his late master's memory, little as he revered him; 
and he would have thought such a reference to James II 
exceedingly tactless. The queen herself could have no 
such reasons for remaining quiet. She knew how un- 
popular William had become. If she had in the least 
doubted it, the unseemly levity of prominent courtiers 

i Py. Hist., VI. 5. Italics are not in the original. 

2 Burnet, V. 3; Chamberlen, pp. 18-9; Coke, III. 132. 



62 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

after his death would have speedily convinced her. When 
William was injured, many Jacobites drank to the health 
of "Sorrel," whose stumbling had broken the king's 
collar bone. Some of them, indeed, maintained that the 
king's death was an instance of divine retribution, since 
"Sorrel" had belonged to Sir John Fen wick, whom 
William refused to save from attainder. Even the Privy 
Council refused the king the honor of a public funeral, 
and he was quietly buried four days after his death. 

Fully aware of the king's unpopularity, Anne was 
anxious to stress the fact that she was English, for she 
knew that the fundamental reason for the dislike of 
William lay in his foreign birth, foreign speech, and 
foreign favorites. 1 Besides, in emphasizing her Stuart 
blood as that of the hereditary line of English sovereigns, 
she made a direct appeal for the Jacobite support. More- 
over, she even quoted their dead monarch's own words 
as a warrant for their loyalty. 

That Harley and Godolphin had a part in framing the 
speech is unquestioned, but some of the sentiments it 
expressed bear no resemblance to those entertained by 
either. The appeal to the loyalty of the English is in 
keeping with Harley 's ideas and the queen's private 
sentiments, while the closing sentence is the work of a 
zealous High Church adherent, or even a Jacobite. The 

i Chamberlen, p. 30; Coke, III. 132. One contemporary poem ran: 
"Let's e'en mourn on; 'twould lessen much our wo, 
Had Sorrel stumbled thirteen years ago. ' ' 

A pamphlet of the time, Gulielmus Bedevivus (1701-2), reads: "In short 
he was a King, hateful both to God and man ; whatsoever was pleasing to 
God and good men, that was displeasing to him and his favourites. He died 
without issue; and was unlamented, for Joy that he left his throne to a 
Native and Glorious Successor after he had reigned thirteen years." "The 
longer he was in the country, the less he was beloved," writes an historian. 
"It may be doubted whether at the time of his decease there was a single 
Englishman who entertained for him a feeling of personal attachment. ' ' 
Mahon, I. 39. See also Faults on Both Sides, p. 15. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 63 

evidence points to the Earl of Rochester, 1 whose religious 
opinions coincided with those of Anne. 

The sentiments spoken by the queen seem for the most 
part to have been in consonance with her religious beliefs, 
which were just as thoroughly English as they were 
devoutly Anglican. She wished with all her heart to be 
a popular sovereign, and next to that desire was her 
ambition to better the condition of the church and 
broaden its field of influence. She had, besides, a special 
predilection in favor of her rights as hereditary 
sovereign. 

It would appear, then, that Anne had her way as to 
the contents of her first public address. Others might 
suggest to her, if they would, the direction of foreign 
affairs, but she would insist upon having some voice in 
domestic matters, for she recognized, as probably few men 
of her time did, how " great a divinity doth hedge a 
king," or queen, of the Stuart line. "The theory that a 
king can do no wrong is still a legal fiction," notes one 
writer, ' ' but in the days of the Stuarts that the king can 
do no wrong was more than a legal fiction. It was a 
creed in which the Stuarts were fervent believers. For 
this faith Charles I died ; for it James II lost his Crown." 

Anne, though willing to accept the throne from parlia- 

i A letter of L 'Hermitage to Heinsius concludes : "On impute diverses 
choses aux Conseils du C[omte] Eoch [ester] qui ne sont pas goutee, de bien 
des gens, et qui sont connoistre a ce qu'on pretend son caractere. C'est 
luy qui fit mettre dans la l ce harangue de la Eeine le mot du Coeur entiere- 
ment Anglois. . . . Marlborough ne fut pas de cet avis, et les dues de Devon- 
shire et de Somerset, et le Comte de Carlisle oposerent fort faisant voir 
combien cela reflechissoit sur la memoire du R[oi] et que ce n'estoit propre 
qu'a cause de la division mais la R[eine] voulu deferer aux avis de son 
oncle. " Rijks Archief, 26A. The rest of the letter is in L 'Hermitage's 
illegible hand, but this part is the work of a secretary. It is improbable 
that Anne wrote the address herself, as it was not customary. Even William 
apologized for drawing up his own speech. Py. Hist., V. 403. The Duke of 
Somerset was responsible for the part of her speech relating to Scotland. 
See Marlb. MSS., p. 53. 



64 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

ment, 1 nevertheless remained a thorough believer in 
hereditary right. Moreover, she appreciated the force 
of the Jacobite sentiment which demanded that the Pre- 
tender should succeed her, and she grew cold at the 
mention of the foreign princess whom parliament had 
designated as her successor. There was magic in the 
name of Stuart, as no royal house in England "ever 
inspired such enthusiastic loyalty, such passionate love. 
. . . For no other princes was blood so generously poured 
forth. . . . The indignant pity bestowed upon Louis XVI 
and his queen is a poor, cold thing, beside a deathless 
devotion to the Queen of Scots, the reverential loyalty to 
Charles I. These emotions surely spring not from mere 
ideas, they rise out of the remarkable personalities, and 
the 'sense of tears in human life.' " 2 

After making proper allowance for the natural bias of 
a Scot for the Stuarts, there still remains a large amount 
of truth in this statement. Not alone for Charles I did 
English gentlemen cheerfully sacrifice their all, but for 
his sons and grandsons as well. After the exile of James 
II, even after the fatal battle of the Boyne, a large num- 
ber of men and women continued to look forward to the 
day when the "King over the Water" might return as 
their constitutional ruler. "When he died, they gave their 
loyal support to his son in the expedition of 1708, as 
well as in the rebellion of 1715, which sought to place 
James Edward upon the English throne. Undismayed 
at his failure and moral degradation, the Jacobites made 
a last despairing effort at Culloden to secure the British 
crown for ' ' Bonny Prince Charlie. ' ' 

i A fair statement of the position of the moderate Whigs and Tories is 
set forth in Faults on Both Sides, p. 47. "We know that the queen has both 
an hereditary and parliamentary title, but without the latter, she had not 
now so happily filled the throne. ' ' 

2 Shield and Lang, The King Over the Water, pp. 2-3 ; Kent, p. 16. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 65 

The queen was prepared at all times to make the most 
of this unquestioned loyalty and she was encouraged by 
the manifestation of universal joy at her accession, which 
was probably never equalled except in 1660. 1 In her first 
speech to parliament she made an open appeal for the 
sympathy and support of the people, while she also 
clearly stated that she stood for the Protestant succes- 
sion, for a vigorous prosecution of the war, and for the 
union with Scotland. The problem of the succession 
touched her in a manner peculiarly personal. There had 
been a time when it was thought Anne might marry 
George Louis, now Elector of Hanover; but the attitude 
of the young Hanoverian prince was unfavorable, and 
William of Orange opposed the match. 2 Since that time 
there had been little cordiality between Princess Anne 
and the elector, a feeling very much accentuated by the 
open scandal in the latter 's marital relations which 
thoroughly disgusted Anne, who in her day must have 
been considered a prude. 

Even worse than this, in the queen's eyes, were the 
elector's Low Church sympathies, which aroused her 
fears for the church in case he should ever rule England. 
Probably most disturbing of all, to her, was the fact 
that her own half-brother was the legitimate heir to the 
throne. To a change in the law of succession whereby the 
Pretender might succeed her, Anne doubtless would 
have consented, had he not been a Catholic. His faith 
was not only a powerful objection in her mind, which 
rarely looked, in religious matters, beyond the immediate 
welfare of the Established Church, but it was also a most 
practical obstacle to his favorable reception by the 
masses. 

The difficulties of having a straightforward policy 

i T. Salmon, Mod. Hist., XXV. 1. 

2 Monmouth and Danby also opposed the marriage. Eyan, I. 73-6. 



66 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

were accentuated by the fact that a large portion of the 
people fully expected James Edward, having renounced 
Catholicism, to succeed Anne. This party was both large 
and influential, and had to be conciliated, if the Tories 
were to remain in power. All plans for accomplishing 
this purpose were much to the liking of the queen, who 
desired the continuance of Tory supremacy. 1 

The war was inextricably mixed up with the succes- 
sion and the fate of the Pretender, whose recognition by 
Louis XIV precipitated England into the conflict. The 
real object of the French monarch in thus consoling the 
dying moments of the royal exile still remains in doubt, 
but there was no question in the minds of the English 
people that, in case he was successful in the war, Louis 
intended to impose James Edward and Catholicism upon 
England. 2 It would certainly have been a dark day for 
England had not the queen's inherent English antipathy 
for France in general and for the French monarch in 
particular, urged her to wage a war to curb the rest- 
less ambition of the greatest European monarch since 
Charles V. 

Foreign war was complicated by the peculiar position 
of Scotland, which was lukewarm at times in its opposi- 
tion to France. Since Elizabeth's death, England and 
Scotland had been governed by one sovereign and two 
legislative bodies. Trouble inevitably resulted from this 
peculiar relation, and the situation was especially critical 

i Mahon, I. 10, 37; Macaulay, Essay on Addison; Py. Hist., VI. 1. 

2 The Life and Reign of her late Excellent Majesty, Queen Anne, p. 27. 
There were numerous royal addresses, many of which appear to have been 
inspired by the court. One from the North Eiding, December 20, 1701, 
reads : " It is plain that there is no faith to be kept with that monarch, and 
we doubt not it was done to put new life into a Party mourning for their 
deceased abdicated king, and lay a foundation for fresh and lasting troubles 
in these kingdoms." Vox Populi (1701). See also Luttrell, V. 91, sq. ; 
James, III. 158 ; W. Michael, Eng. Gesch., I. 229. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 67 

at Anne's accession, because the rapid growth of trade, 
and the unsuccessful attempt of the Scots to settle Darien 
had accentuated the rivalry of the two nations, already 
sufficiently exasperated on account of the differences in 
race, religion, and habits. Under such trying conditions, 
a parliamentary union was essential to the continued 
welfare of each country, but whether it could be accom- 
plished by compromise or only by conquering the north- 
ern kingdom, was problematical. Indeed, from the 
peculiar temperament of the Scot and the mutual hatred 
felt by both races, conquest would seem the more probable 
method. At this juncture, it was indeed a happy omen 
for both kingdoms that the new sovereign represented the 
Scottish house of Stuart, and displayed great interest in 
promoting negotiations for the union. 

With three such important points of policy as the war, 
the union, and the Act of Settlement to carry out, there 
was urgent need of an efficient administration. If Anne 
was to govern, she must build up a faction to support her. 
This she attempted in some degree to do, but her policy 
disappointed both parties alike. 1 Because of her reli- 
gious sympathies, the Tories expected to gain complete 
control of the government, an expectation the more prob- 
able as Rochester was the leader of the High Church 
faction. The Jacobites and non-jurors felt that she 
would make possible the restoration of the hereditary 
line, at least after her death. On the other hand, the 
Whigs expected recognition because they were the fore- 
most supporters of the Protestant succession and of the 
war against Louis. 

Contrary to the expectations of the zealous Tories, 
Anne made no great or sudden changes in the ministry. 
In compliance with statute law, parliament would sit for 

i Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, f. 488; Macpherson, I. 636; 
Oldmixon, II. 148; Salomon, p. 10; Locl'hart Fapers, I. 315. 



68 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

six months after her accession; possibly the queen or 
her advisers thought it would be well to test the temper 
of the people towards their new sovereign before making 
any considerable alterations. In the meantime, Anne 
began rewarding personal friends, displaying through- 
out a steady determination to have her own way. Almost 
immediately, she nominated her husband generalissimo 
of the forces, as well as lord high admiral. She even 
intimated that she would not continue the war against 
France unless he were made commander-in-chief of all 
the allied forces. 1 Indeed, she gave way only after the 
Dutch made it clear that they would never consent to 
such an arrangement, inasmuch as the prince possessed 
scarcely a single qualification for the place. 2 

Although her first desire was to honor her husband, she 
was also anxious to reward intimate acquaintances. 
Before five days had passed, she had dispatched Marl- 
borough, the husband of her bosom friend, to Holland 
as "Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary" to 
assure the Dutch of her co-operation in the Grand Alli- 
ance. On the same day, Marlborough was also honored 
with the Garter, and the following day he was made 
captain general. 3 The year had not yet closed before the 
queen created him a duke, and bestowed an enormous 
pension upon him, which caused old John Evelyn to 
grumble about the avarice of the Marlboroughs. 4 Lady 
Marlborough was the queen's dearest friend, and was at 
once rewarded. Not only was she made groom of the 
stole, mistress of the robes, and keeper of the privy purse, 
but she received in addition, the rangership of Windsor 

i L 'Hermitage to Heinsius, March 10, 1702, Eijks Archief, 26 A ; Cun- 
ningham, I. 264. 

2 Marlborough's letter to Heinsius, April 27, 1702, urged the appointment. 
Eijks Archief, 26 A . See also Von Noorden, I. 204. 

s James, III. 198; Luttrell, V. 152; Annals, I. 12. 

4 Diary (1827), III. 397. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 69 

Park, for which she had expressed a desire years before. 
Anne had already bestowed substantial wedding gifts 
upon each of the duchess's daughters, and at her acces- 
sion, appointed two of them ladies of the bedchamber. 1 

Other friends were not forgotten. The Marquis of 
Normanby had paid court to Lady Anne while she was 
still in her teens and would gladly have married her. 
Her father and her uncle, Charles II, made it clear to 
the presumptuous young noble that he was no match for 
the king's niece, who might sometime be queen. During 
the passing years, Normanby had retained Anne's friend- 
ship and was one of the first to welcome her as the new 
sovereign. His compensation was prompt; almost at 
once, he was made lord privy seal and shortly after- 
wards, Duke of Buckingham. 2 Zealous High Churchmen, 
similarly rewarded because they were personally accept- 
able to the queen, were Dr. Hooper, Nottingham, who 
was appointed secretary of state, 3 and Seymour, who, 
much to his disappointment, received only the comp- 
trollership of the household, 4 succeeding Wharton, whom 
Anne disliked on account of his profanity, atheism, and 
extreme licentiousness. 

While her memory for her friends was excellent, she 
did not forget her political and personal enemies. In 
fact, she saw to it that Wharton's staff was taken from 
him and given to his successor before his face. Almost 

i Anglice Notitia (1704), p. 523. 

2 Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7076, f. 168; Burnet, V. 10. 

»Cal. Tr. Papers (1702-7), 18 May, 1702. For a time, the report was 
that he would be selected as lord chancellor. L 'Hermitage's letter to Hein- 
sius, Rijks Archief, 26 A . Nottingham had favored Anne in her fight in 1688 
to secure a special grant from parliament. Kennett, History, III. 547. 

* Rijks Archief, 26^. Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7074, f. 117. He 
accepted the place to keep out a Whig. Leadam says that Seymour was 
appointed through the influence of his wife. Polit. Hist., p. 3. See also 
Stepney Papers, Add. MS3., 7070, f. 55. 



70 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

immediately, his name, as well as those of Somers and 
Halifax, was stricken from the list of the Privy Council, 
because they were obnoxious to the queen. 1 The Earl of 
Macclesfield, after the Rye House Plot, had accused 
her father of being responsible for the suicide of the Earl 
of Essex. This had grieved Anne very much, and upon 
her accession, he was deprived of all his offices. 2 Still 
others lost their places as they met with her displeasure. 
These appointments and dismissals tended to make her 
secure with the Tory leaders, but most unpopular 
abroad. 3 This feeling did not in the least check the 
queen, for her policy was first of all to become popular 
at home. 

Another step gained her party political power where 
it was most needed — in the House of Lords. After the 
Revolution, William created such a goodly number of 
Whig peers, that the Tories found abundant cause for 
complaint in the attitude of the upper house. 4 Partly to 
silence the grumbling of the Tories in the Commons and 
partly to increase her own power over legislation, Anne 
created five new peers in 1703. 5 Even here, the influence 

i Wharton MSS. (Bodl.), IV. 21» The report was current that Anne 
struck out Wharton 's name with her own hand. See Macky, Memoirs, p. 23. 
By the beginning of 1704, Wharton's name is again found in the list of the 
council. P. 0. Reg., LXXX. i, 1. Cf. ib., LXXIX. 32. See also Chamberlen, 
p. 23 ; Acts Privy Council, Col. V. 660, 662, 665. 

2 Strickland, XI 216. Notes # Queries (3d series), VIII. 66-7, says 
that Macclesfield died 5 Nov., 1701, but Luttrell gives the date as 29 Dec, 
1702. Brief Relation, V. 251. 

s Eijks Archief, 26 A . The Dutch objected in particular to Buckingham. 

4 It was not the creations of the king which changed the political com- 
plexion of the House of Lords of 1688. It is true that he created thirty 
peers, but four were Tories, and seven others were eldest sons who were 
called up to the Lords. William's additions helped, but the change in the 
attitude of the bishops and the absence of Jacobites and non-jurors were 
the factors mainly responsible. A. S. Turberville, House of Lords in the 
Reign of William III, p. 14. 

s Luttrell, V. 275-6; see Leadam, p. 35. 



THE QUEEN AND PAKLIAMENT 71 

of the personal element is evident, since she was pre- 
vailed upon not only to ennoble four violent Tories but 
one steadfast Whig as well, because he was a friend of 
the Duchess of Marlborough. 1 The four new Tory crea- 
tions, and to a less extent, the promotion of Buckingham, 
were due to political reasons. Nothing has ever been 
made of this precedent. It is really surprising that so 
much is made of the dozen creations in 1711 and so little 
of the making of the five in 1703, when the purpose in 
each case was identical — to destroy the "Whig power in 
the House of Lords, or, to be more accurate, to give the j 
Tories a working majority there. 2 

The queen was no more considerate of the Whig min- 
istry left her by William. Nor could she be expected to 
entertain a decided reverence for the late king's memory, 
his policies, or his advisers. Not a few of his supporters 
had given umbrage, either through their attitude towards 
her or by their activity against her father, while some of 
William's opponents had earned her gratitude by their \| 
factious opposition. To Anne's way of thinking, those 
who had snubbed her in former days must be punished, 
and her faithful adherents must be rewarded. 

Although such changes as she made were gradual, their 
bearing upon politics, both foreign and domestic, was 
very direct. The selection of Nottingham and Seymour, 
two of the leading Tory zealots, had gained her assist- 
ance in quarters where William had been most unpopular. 
Sir Charles Hedges was made the other secretary of 
state, partly, it may be surmised, because he had been 
dismissed by William, but more largely, it would appear, 
because Nottingham refused to serve without him. 3 



i Conduct, pp. 297-300. 

2 "Great reflections were made upon this promotion." Burnet, V. 66. 

3 "The Tories would trust none but Nottingham, and he would serve with 
none but Hedges." Burnet, V. 10. Additional information may be found 



72 ENGLISH POLITICAL PASTIES 

Jersey was given the place of lord chamberlain, although 
he was strongly suspected of Jacobite sentiments, as was 
Ormond, who became master of horse. 1 

The most important appointment made by the queen 
at this time was that of Godolphin as lord high treasurer. 
He was a lifelong friend, to whom she had been under 
the deepest obligations for making a satisfactory settle- 
ment of her debts while she was still a princess. His 
ability as a financier, moreover, was well known, and 
Marlborough informed the queen that England could 
endure the financial burdens of the war, only if Godol- 
phin were given control of the exchequer. 2 These two 
facts, added to his friendship for the queen, account for 
his selection as her financial adviser and as the real 
leader in the ministry itself ; yet it is doubtful if the Marl- 
boroughs could have dictated her choice of first minister, 
had it not been along the line of her own inclinations. 3 
Soon after this, Godolphin was honored with an earldom. 

Godolphin 's appointment greatly disappointed Roch- 
ester, who, as the Tory leader, had fully expected this 
office from his niece. 4 She, however, was by no means in 
full sympathy with him, because of his earlier attitude 
toward her. Yet she was unwilling to punish him, if he 
were really loyal. At the close of William's reign, he 
had been recalled as lord lieutenant of Ireland, but the 
necessary legal papers had not been made out. As a 
result, one of Anne's first acts was to continue him as 
the head of Irish affairs and as a member of the Privy 

on this point in Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7070, f. 55, 7074, f. 123; Rijks 
Archief, 26A. 

i Stepney Papers, 7070, f. 109; John Hervey, Letter Books, I. 161-2. 

2 Godolphin was reluctant to accept the responsibilities of office until 
Marlborough convinced him that his services were indispensable. See I. S. 
Leadam, "The Finance of Godolphin," Trans. R. H. S. (3d series), vol. IV. 

3 H. Elliot, Godolphin, pp. 194-5; Thomson, I. 324-5. 

4 Rijks Archief, 26^. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 73 

Council. 1 Clarendon, his elder brother, was more un- 
compromising in his demeanor and steadily refused to 
take the oath of allegiance to Anne, as he had done in 
the case of William. When he came to court, the queen 
refused to see him, and he was informed that he was 
persona non grata until he had taken the proper oaths. 
He continued obstinate, however, and retired sorrowfully 
from AYestminster. Despite all this, Anne did not forget 
that he was her uncle, and in a short time bestowed upon 
him a pension of £1,500. 2 

The queen made other important changes. "The Earl 
of Abingdon, Viscount Weymouth, Lord Dartmouth, . . . 
Grenville, Howe, . . . Gower, Harcourt, with several 
others who had, during the last reign, expressed the most 
violent and unrelenting aversion to the whole adminis- 
tration were now brought to the council board, and put 
in good posts." 3 This new ministry was in most in-\ 
stances the personal choice of the queen and reflects her 
decided preference for the High Church Tories. How-/ 
ever, they could not hope that the Whig parliament/ 
elected late in 1701 would carry out their policies ; so the j 
Tory leaders were compelled to turn their attentions to 
winning the election of 1702. 

In the meantime, the queen had taken steps to increase 
her personal popularity. Ten days after her accession, 
parliament voted Anne the same civil list as they had 

i P. C. Beg., LXXIX. 36; Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7074, f. 103; Von 
Noorden, I. 193; Luttrell, V. 154; Cal. S. P. Bom. (1702-3), p. 402. Two 
days later it was reported that he was to be raised to a duke. Luttrell, 
V. 155. 

2 Coke, III. 127; Luttrell, V. 282. 

3 Burnet, V. 10; Cal. S. P. Bom. (1702-3), p. 389. "Jack" Howe's only 
claim to preference seems to have been his indecent hostility to William III. 
B. N. B., art. "Howe." See also Bouse of Lords MSS. (n. s.), VI. xl. 
Portland and Bentinck were also summarily dismissed from all their employ- 
ments. Byan, pp. 389-92. 



74 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

William. 1 To gain the affections of her people, she agreed 
to apply for £700,000 in order to have the opportunity 
of publicly and ostentatiously bestowing a large part of 
it for the administration of public affairs. It is obvious 
that she might have accomplished the same financial pur- 
pose in a more modest manner by making it known that 
£600,000 would have been sufficient for her needs. 2 Such 
a method, however, did not suit Anne, for it was not her 
primary aim, it seems, to bring pecuniary aid to an 
embarrassed government, but to gain public applause 
for herself. Her address to the Commons, upon giving 
her assent to the revenue bills, reads like a special appeal. 
She said in part: "I return to you my kind and hearty 
thanks, for continuing to me, for my life, the same 
revenue you had granted to the king: I will take great 
care that it shall be managed to the best advantage ; and 
while my subjects remain under the burthen of such great 
taxes, I will straiten myself . . . , rather than not con- 
tribute all I can to their ease and relief, with a just regard 
to . . . the honor and dignity of the Crown. It is prob- 
able that the revenue may fall very short of what it has 
formerly produced, however I will give directions that 
£100,000 be applied to the public service, in this year, out 
of the revenues, you have so unanimously given me." 3 
Such a move could scarcely have been inspired by the 
penurious Marlborough, or the serious Godolphin, who 
never fully appreciated the force of public sentiment. 
It sounds far more like the work of Anne herself than 
that of either of them. The effect was exactly what she 

i Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7078, f. 76. 

2 A feeling prevailed that £700,000 was too much for a queen, as her 
expenses would be less than those of an active king. Cf. Wyon, I. 60. 

3 Py. Hist., VI. 11. George V has done the same when his civil list is 
£230,000 less. N. Y. Times, 3 April, 1916. In spite of her grant, Anne's 
civil expenses were greater than William's. Add. MSS., 30201, ff. 39-81. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 75 

anticipated, as this portion of her speech "was received 
with great applause, and particular notice was taken of 
it in all the addresses that came up afterward." 1 Anne 
cared little for money, so when she felt the public pulse 
and found it did not respond properly to the large civil 
list which had been granted, she chose to give way gra- 
ciously to this sentiment and gain popular favor. 

Anne spoke on this occasion to the entire nation, but 
there were others of her actions that were more special in 
their appeal. There is space here to mention but one. 
She felt acutely the extent to which the scandalous posi- 
tion of the lower clergy reflected upon the church, for 
they were little higher socially than the poorest peasant 
or day laborer ; their training was slight, and their com- 
pensation slighter, often as little as £5 per annum. 2 Since 
the time of Henry VIII, it had been the prerogative of 
the crown to enjoy the ' ' first-fruits and tenths ' ' 3 from all 
ecclesiastical benefices. This would have been an onerous 
burden upon the poorer clergy had the first fruits and 
tenths not followed the trend of all similar English taxes, 
and become fixed at £17,000. 4 Even then, this tax was 
felt as an injustice by the clergy, so the queen sought to 
curry favor with the High Church clergy and their 
parishioners by setting the tax aside as a fund for the 
poor clergy. This gained her the loyal support of the 
lower clergy, which she never lost, although her donation 
failed completely to give the needy parish priests any 
immediate relief. 5 Altogether, her address and the 

i Burnet, V. 4; Luttrell, V. 158; Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7074, f. 117. 

2 Henry Wharton, Defense of Pluralities, p. 185; Ashton, Social Life, 
II. 129. 

3 "First-fruits" were the whole of the first year's revenue, and "tenths" 
one-tenth of the annual income thereafter. 

* Burnet, V. 120; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), V. 558. 
5 It is today, however, of considerable aid to poor curates. Clarke and 
Foxcroft, Burnet, p. 408. Details of the administration of Queen Anne's 



76 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

gracious reply of the Commons to the same 1 seem like 
other examples of her desire to curry popular favor. 

While the queen was endeavoring to increase her popu- 
larity, both political parties were preparing for the 
elections, which bore little resemblance to those of today. 
Since 1702, the whole idea of representation has changed, 
a new basis for suffrage has been found, and an entirely 
different method of expressing political preferences 
adopted. The present qualifications for voting in parlia- 
mentary elections are simple indeed compared with those 
existing before 1832. Mr. Porritt's researches brought 
him to the conclusion that English boroughs possessed 
over eighty different qualifications for voting for mem- 
bers of parliament. 2 In some, all the freemen voted; in 
others, all those paying scot and lot ; in still others, those 
who could prove their maintenance of a separate house- 
hold — the so-called "potwallopers"; while in a fourth 
type, the franchise was restricted to the corporation, 
which constantly tended to become more exclusive. 
Other boroughs had electoral qualifications too numerous 
and technical to mention. The great industrial cities of 
a century later had not yet come into existence, and 
nothing comparable to the inequalities revealed by 
Charles Grey in 1793 are to be found. Nevertheless, con- 
ditions were bad enough when Cornish boroughs sent 
forty-two members to Westminster, and London but 
four ; when a deer park at Gatton sent as many members 
to parliament as the thriving cities of Westminster or 
Bristol; when East Looe and West Looe returned as 
many members as did the two great counties of York- 
shire and Devonshire, or even the metropolis, which had 

Bounty are given in the Eighth Report of the Hist. MSS. Com., and in 
C. Hodgson, An Account of the Augmentation of Small Livings. 

i Py. Hist., VI. 328-30. See also H. M. Gwatkin, Church and State in 
England, p. 390. 

2 E. Porritt, The Unreformed House of Commons, I. ch. iii. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 77 

two hundred times the population and a thousand times 
the wealth of those insignificant little villages. 1 

The franchise was systematic or uniform only in the 
counties, where, since the fifteenth century, all forty- 
shilling freeholders voted for knights of the shire. Even 
here, however, the real intent of the law was nullified, 
since forty shillings in 1700 was by no means the same 
as it had been in the reign of Edward V, when land was 
the leading, almost the only, source of wealth. Although 
the county franchise was more liberal than that of the 
average borough, it was by no means broadly represent- 
ative of the popular will, because the influence of the 
landed gentry was predominant, and because all English 
countries, whatever their population, elected but two 
members. 

There was just as great a variation from present-day 
conditions in the conduct of elections. Sometimes the 
elections dragged on forty days, reaching a grand climax 
on the final day. Bribery and trickery were both easy 
and possible. Voting was viva voce, and an elector was 
practically at the mercy of his political opponents, who, 
all too frequently, were incited to violence by their lead- 
ers, by whom ale was plentifully supplied at the expense 
of the candidates. It took real courage to cast an honest 
vote in the face of a hostile majority, who delighted in 
rioting on the slightest provocation, and whose methods 
were anything but gentle once their blood was up. Even 
under such adverse conditions, it is surprising how fre- 
quently electors did express their choice for parliament. 

The game of the politician of the early eighteenth cen- 
tury had scarcely begun at the conclusion of the poll. If 
a member not to the liking of the party leaders was re- 
turned, the result might be changed by means of a con- 

iMacaulay, p. 2287; Py. Hist., XIII. 90. See as well, John Locke, 
Essay on Civil Government, Bk. II., eh. xiii. 



78 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

troverted election petition, which would nullify the 
expressed will of the constituency, in case the working 
majority of the party were sufficient. Where it was im- 
possible, however, to find excuse for a double return, the 
leaders were obliged to accept the member elected, who, 
unless his honesty was far above the average, was easily 
made amenable to party discipline by receiving an office 
of "honor and profit" under the crown. If he were 
minded to decrease the revenues, he was granted a 
sinecure where his income depended upon the amount of 
money which was appropriated and passed through the 
treasury. If he hungered after social honors, obedience 
might bring him a baronetcy or even a peerage, while 
important nobles in his party flattered him with their 
attentions. 1 The ministry, and frequently even the 
sovereign in person, took a part in the canvass, which at 
times amounted to absolute bribery. Such was the situa- 
tion under William and we must now ascertain whether 
any changes occurred in the conduct of elections under 
Anne. 

As soon as it was legally possible, the queen issued 
writs for a new parliament, and the contest was on. The 
new ministry was Tory, but it was soon apparent that its 
members were not united in their efforts, as only a bare 
majority desired a decisive victory for the Tories and 
worked enthusiastically towards that end. 2 On account 
of such divided counsels, it has never been entirely clear 
what part Anne played in this and succeeding elections. 
One authority believes that she was the first sovereign 
who ceased to meddle in elections. 3 Such a statement is 
in perfect accord with the usual conception of the queen, 

i Faults on Both Sides, p. 20; Lecky, I. 435; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), 
V. 559. 

2 The Marlboroughs and Godolphin, and particularly the duchess, feared 
the effect upon the war if the Tories grew too strong. 

3 E. Porritt, Unreformed House of Commons, I. 407. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 79 

and if it refers only to her personal work, it is doubtless 
true. Being a woman, she could not be as active as a man 
in political affairs in the early eighteenth century, how- 
ever much she may have desired to go on an electioneer- 
ing tour as had her immediate predecessor. 1 

Yet it is a fundamental error to imagine Anne as being 
entirely passive in elections. The concluding sentence of 
her address to parliament in closing the session is an 
exhortation to all High Church adherents. "I shall be 
very careful to preserve and maintain the Act of Tolera- 
tion, and to set the minds of all my people at quiet; my 
own principles must keep me entirely firm to the interests 
and religion of the Church of England, and will incline 
me to countenance those which have the truest zeal to 
support it." 2 The activity of the court in the election 
may, in the main, be justly assumed as an expression of 
the sovereign's attitude. 

Of this work we are left in no doubt, as two contempo- 
raries so far agree with a third as to quote him verbatim. 
The election resulted as it did "owing to the countenance 
and encouragement receiv'd from the Court." 3 "The 
Queen," observed Burnet, "did not openly interpose in 
the elections, but her informations to the Tories appear- 
ing plainly, all people took it for granted that she wished 
they might be in the majority; this wrought on the incon- 
stancy and servility that is natural to multitudes." 
According to Archdeacon Coxe, "The Tories, by the 
influence of the Crown and their own exertions, secured 
a considerable majority." 4 

i Women began to take considerable interest in politics. The duchess, 
Lady Montagu, Mrs. Masham, Mary Astell, and the Duchess of Somerset 
were only the most prominent. Hervey, Letter Books, I. passim; Eemusat, 
I. 149; Ashton, Social Life, I. 171. See also Journal to Stella. 

2 Py. Hist., VI. 25. 

sBoyer, p. 32; Oldmixon, Hist, of Eng., IV. 292; Chamberlen, p. 59. 

4 Coxe, I. 101; Coxe Papers, XV. 23. Interesting information on this 



80 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAKTIES 

To be efficacious, it is not essential that political in- 
fluence be exerted directly. One method by which the 
court exercised pressure indirectly was through the 
clergy. Anne's popularity among them was already 
large, because she was such a zealous High Church advo- 
cate. Thus the lower clergy were strongly on the Tory 
side, and as political campaigners in the rural areas, they 
were in a class by themselves, so that the outcome of the 
election may be attributed largely to the queen's popu- 
larity and the interest of the clergy. 1 Burnet gives more 
influence to the weight of taxation, which drove all but 
the commercial classes towards the Tories. The latter, 
moreover, had come out openly in favor of the war, 2 
taking away from the Whigs their trump card with which 
they had planned to win the election. 

Not all the ministers were willing to follow the example 
of the Marlboroughs and allow the election to take care of 
itself. Nottingham worked every possible moment for 
the Tories. Nowhere is this so clear as in the case of 
"Jack" Howe, the vociferous, irrepressible member who 
had formerly represented Gloucestershire, but had been 
defeated in the previous election by a close vote. Al- 
though fearing the strength of the Whigs in his home 
county, the Tories felt it a duty to secure his election. 
Consequently, they placed him in nomination in Glouces- 
tershire, Gloucester City, and Newton in Lancashire. 
He was elected for the county, despite the attempts of the 

election may be found in Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, f. 102, 
Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28889, f. 36. 

i Leadam, 25. The Newcastle Papers (Add. MSS., 32686, f. 4) describe 
the attitude of some of the clergy. Archbishop Sharp refused to use his 
influence in the election, even at the kindly suggestion of Lady Eussell. 
Sharp, I. 122-4. His great interest is manifest in his letter in the Hatton- 
Finch Papers, Add. MSS., 29584, ff. 93-4. 

2 House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), V. vi; Wyon, I. 128; Py. Hist., VI. 40. 






THE QUEEN AND PAELIAMENT 81 

Whigs to "vote" a number of vagabonds through the 
influence of a large and noisy mob. 1 

Although Nottingham's main interest may have been 
in securing Howe's election, he was doing his utmost in 
other places. At the polls for Northamptonshire and for 
Higham Ferrers his representatives were most active, 2 
while they were exceptionally alert in the elections in the 
Cinque Ports. 3 At Norwich, his agent was Humphrey 
Prideaux, who boasted that the success of the Tory candi- 
date was due to his own unaided efforts. 4 In Sussex, in 
Lancashire, and in Leicestershire, the "dismal" Secre- 
tary was planning to overthrow the Whigs, 5 and in many 
cases he succeeded. In Cheshire, in particular, the Tories 
rejoiced because they had the "greatest poll that ever 
was in this county in the memory of man, and being 
carried by such a majority is a great addition to our 
joy." G 

In Yorkshire, Liverpool, Coventry, Maidstone, and 
Stamford, Nottingham's agents were found diligently 
engaged. 7 In the west and southwest of England he had 
the able co-operation of Sir Edward Seymour, who 
labored incessantly against the Whigs with their com- 
mercial instincts and Low Church proclivities. Even 
thus early in the reign, Seymour displayed considerable 
animus against Marlborough and Godolphin, which 

i Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, ff. 78, 140. On the face of the 
returns Sir John Guise had twenty-four majority, but in the contest they 
counted only freeholders and Howe won by 122. Stepney Papers, Add. 
MSS., 7076, f. 81. See also C. J., XIV. 6. 

2 Hatton-Finch Papers, Add. MSS., 29568, f. 114. See also the Earl of 
Winchelsea and Nottingham MSS. (H. M. C), pp. 23-5. 

3 Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, ff. 93, 102-4. 
* lb., f. 115. 

s lb., ff. 70, 117. 
e lb., f. 122. 

? Hatton-Finch Papers, Add. MSS., 29584, f . 94 ; Nottingham Papers, 
Add. MSS., 29588, ff. 86, 93, 104-6, 117, 129. 



82 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

probably did much to increase bis industry. 1 Sir Chris- 
topher Musgrave, Viscount Hatton, and Lord Weymouth 
also were enthusiastically devoted to High Church in- 
terests and worked in conjunction with both Nottingham 
and Seymour. 2 Thomas Coke, as well, was active in this 
canvass for a "true Church of England Parliament." 3 
His main interest lay in Derby and Leicester. John 
Ellis, assistant secretary of state, was another who was 
absorbed in the details of the election. 4 Whig politicians 
were busy earlier than usual in this section, but the 
Tories more than held their own in the pollings. 

Although there was the usual amount of treating and 
trickery, 5 the complaints are much less common than in 
the previous elections. Throughout the realm the poll- 
ings were nevertheless very spirited and rioting was not 
uncommon. 6 The results were probably closer than they 
had been ten months before, although it is difficult to 
obtain satisfactory data. 7 

With a slight majority on the face of the returns, it 
was easy for the Tories, by their decisions in contro- 
verted elections, to increase their margin until it was 
perfectly safe, although the Last Determinations Act of 
1696 presented some obstacles. They contested the elec- 
tions so openly as to show that the "party was resolv'd 

i Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, f. 79. 

2 lb., ff. 39, 47, 103, 115, 125; Portl. MSS., IV. 42-4. 

s Coke MSS., III. 14. See also ib., III. 3-34, passim. 

* Ellis Papers, Add MSS., 28889, ff. 36-40; ib., Add. MSS., 28890, f. 337. 

s C. J., XIV. 6, 12, 149; XV. 37. Coke provided "three runlets of ale" 
for his constituents, and was asked to procure a ' ' patent for a free school. ' ' 
Coke MSS., III. 5-7. 

«C. J., XIV. 6-13; Morrison MSS. (H. M. C), p. 465; Coxe Papers, 
XV. 23; Luttrell, V. 159; Wilson, Defoe, II. 14. 

t Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CXXIX. 427, 441. Vryberge's letter to Heinsius, 
19 August, 1702, is found in Kijks Archief, 26-*-. See also Luttrell, V. 192- 
205. As soon as the pollings were over in England, Seafield, Secretary of 
State for Scotland, hurried away to his post to influence the elections there. 
Boyer, p. 53. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 83 

on anything that might serve their ends," 1 and "that they 
rather chose themselves than that they were chosen by 
the people," so that the Commons were "more in the 
interest of the ministers than that of their sovereign or 
country." 2 At least thirty elections were violently con- 
tested. The poll at Hindon was proven notoriously 
corrupt; 3 by hook or crook, John Howe was seated from 
Gloucestershire. The ministry had its way at East Ret- 
ford, 4 as well as at other places, where "the most bare- 
faced partiality was discovered . . . in . . . decisions 
upon controverted elections." 5 

Before these elections could be brought before the 
lower house, the latter had to organize. Meeting late in 
the year after repeated prorogations, the Commons 
immediately proceeded unanimously to re-elect Harley 
as speaker, since both Whigs and Tories had so much 
respect for his ability as to prefer him to all other candi- 
dates. Thus, by means direct and indirect, through the 
pollings, the election of a speaker of their own persuasion, 
and the controverted election petitions, the Tories gained 
a working majority in the Commons. 7 The High Church 
attitude of the commoners coincided with Anne's own 
desire, and she was now able to remodel her ministry to 
suit her own wishes. Had the plans of such men as Roch- 
ester, Nottingham, Seymour, and Howe been either mod- 
erate or well considered, they might have secured their 

i Burnet, V. 48 and Note. 

2 Oldfield, Pari. Hist., p. 376. He makes the usual error of separating the 
queen from her ministers, when their policy was the same — ardently Tory. 

s House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), V. Intro., xvii; ib., 202; Burnet, V. 46; 
C. J., XIV. 13, 48. 

4 Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7078, ff. 76, 181; C. J., XIV. 49-51. The 
Commons spent a great amount of time upon these elections. 

s Wilson, Defoe, II. 14. 

e Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7076, f. 165; Cunningham, I. 311. 

7 Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, ff. 39, 40, 47, 79; Ellis Papers, 
Add. MSS., 28890, f. 337. 



84 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

aims with little difficulty, but reasonableness and tact 
were wofully lacking in this group, and impetuosity and 
desire for revenge soon got them into considerable diffi- 
culties : first, with their constituencies ; then, with the 
House of Lords ; and last of all, with the queen. 

Anne's speech to both houses in opening the new ses- 
sion resembled her previous addresses. She called atten- 
tion to the shortage in the revenues, despite the £100,000 
"I promised to the last parliament," which had not been 
sufficient to supply the " deficiency. ' ' Lastly, she made 
the usual bid for public support, particularly for that of 
the devoted Anglicans : "And as I am resolved," she said, 
"to defend and maintain the church as by law established, 
and to protect you in full enjoyment of your rights and 
liberties; so I rely upon your care to me." 1 

The rough draft of this speech was thoroughly dis- 
cussed by various members of the ministry. Nottingham 
apparently had much less to do with its preparation 2 than 
with the address the queen had delivered in dissolving 
parliament in July. The preliminary copy of it seems 
to have been drawn up by Godolphin and Anne, and sent 
to the speaker for corrections and suggestions. 3 The 
document was returned over a week later to Godolphin, 
as requested. It is more than probable that the draft of 
the speech was sent to Harley with the queen's knowl- 
edge, and possibly even at her suggestion, since more 
than nine weeks before, he had begun his secret visits to 
the queen, who soon became very fond of him. 

This new parliament faced a serious foreign war with 
Louis XIV to decide the questions of colonial and dynastic 

i Py. Hist., VI. 47. 

2 Nottingham Papers, Add MSS., 29588, f. 356; Cal. S. P. Dom., 1702-3, 
p. 164; S. P. Dom., Entry Bk., CIV. 67. 

sPortl. MSS., IV. 47-8. "The Queen appoints half after five tomorrow 
at her backstairs. You will please send in your name. ' ' Godolphin 's letter 
to Harley, July 7, 1702, Portl. MSS., IV. 43. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 85 

supremacy. The matters relative to the war were party 
quarrels rather than disputes between the two houses. 
The Tories, in the main, had not been anxious for Eng- 
land to enter the land war as a principal, feeling that she 
had fewer reasons for active war against Louis XIV than 
had either Holland or the Empire. The Highfliers, in 
particular, held this view and it seems to have been the 
fundamental difficulty which brought on their conflict 
with Marlborough, Godolphin, and the queen ; x for to the 
lord treasurer and the general, the vigorous conduct of 
the war was the one important issue before parliament. 
Even the "Whigs were not as enthusiastically favorable 
to the war as they had been a few months before, owing 
partly to the heavy war taxes and partly to the fact that 
they had lost one of their great leaders, the second Earl 
of Sunderland, who had died at the conclusion of the 
elections. 

However, the Tories held a position, the weakness and 
inconsistency of which soon became visible. Unless Eng- 
land entered the conflict as a principal, Holland would 
not, and without English subsidies, Austria could not 
co-operate. No one knew this better than Louis XIV. 
Besides, England was now thoroughly embarked in the 
war, and considerable success had been achieved by Marl- 
borough and Rooke 2 before the end of the year. With 
each victory obtained by the allies, the Tory party lost 
popular support, and their moderate members drifted 
slowly toward the more patriotic Whigs, while the High 
Church zealots tended to form a group of irreconcilables. 
But this was not the only reason they gradually lost 
public favor. 

In the autumn of 1702, the Tories came into power, 

lEijks Archief, 26 A , L 'Hermitage to Heinsius, April 21; Eeid, p. 162. 
2 For his achievements see his Journal; Evelyn, Diary, III. 397; Boyer, 
p. 32; Sismondi, Hist. Frangais, XXVI. 357-8. 



86 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAKTIES 

filled with a determination to advance the cause of the 
church and improve the position of their own party. 
They saw an opportunity to accomplish both purposes at 
the same time. The Corporation and Test Acts provided 
that practically all officials, civil and military, before 
entering upon the performance of their duties, must con- 
form to the Anglican Church, and publicly partake of the 
sacrament according to its rites. The more conscientious 
and radical Dissenters could not do this, but those with 
more easy consciences had early circumvented the plain 
intent of the law by taking the sacrament once a year at 
an Anglican Church, and after that, attending such non- 
conformist services as met their approval. Such officials 
became known as "occasional conformers," and the 
practice, as "occasional conformity." 1 

The ardent High Churchmen saw in this custom a 
travesty upon religion, 2 and were greatly angered because 
the vast majority of these men were Whigs. If they 
could be kept from office, there would be just so many 
more positions to distribute among the faithful Tories. 
Thus the latter would be able not only to build up their 
party through patronage, but at the same time to weaken 
both the Whigs and the Dissenters also, whom they 
cordially hated. All this they expected to accomplish by 
the Occasional Conformity Bill, which was introduced 
into the Commons early in the session and passed without 
difficulty. 3 

The bill provided that not only the magistrates of cor- 
porations but also "all the inferior officers or freemen 

i Life of Calamy, I. 143. 

2 The entire gamut of arguments may be found in such pamphlets as 
Moderation Still a Virtue, The Mask of Moderation Pulled Off the Foul 
Face of Occasional Conformity, Moderation Truly Stated, A View of the 
Present Controversy, and many other tracts of the years 1703-1705. 

a Burnet says it passed by a great majority. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 87 

who were found to have any interest in elections, ' " must 
conform under severe penalties, and it was meant, on the 
face of it, to weaken the Whigs. Naturally, the House of 
Lords was greatly alarmed and one hundred and thirty 
members assembled, "the greatest number that had ever 
been together. ' ' The Whigs were much the stronger and 
they amended the bill by reducing the fines attached. 
To these alterations the Commons refused to assent, and 
after the popular interest had risen to fever heat, the 
bill went to a conference, for which both sides had 
marshaled their supporters, so that the Star Chamber, 
in which the Lords sat at this time, "was the most 
crowded . . . that had ever been known. ' ' 2 They failed 
to agree, and as the Lords voted after this meeting, the 
excitement was intense. It was not only a test of strength 
between Whigs and Tories, between High and Low 
Church, it was more; it was a struggle between the 
Commons and the Lords. The court exerted all its 
influence in favor of the measure. Prince George was an 
occasional conformer, who partook of the sacrament to 
qualify as lord high admiral, but continued his private 
Lutheran chapel. 3 Yet he attended the Lords at the 
behest of his wife and voted for the bill. Much to the 
surprise of the Highfliers, many spiritual lords opposed 
the measure, Burnet among the number. 

On three different portions of the bill, the majority 
against it was only one, but in each case a different man 
gave the deciding vote. 4 The Commons refused to yield 

i Py. Hist., VI. 63-4. 

2 Burnet, V. 53, 108-9. 

s Hearne, I. 3 72. The prince was an alien and Godolphin was worried 
lest the bill might put him in an embarrassing position. So Granville waited 
on Anne to ascertain if she thought it advisable to include in the bill a 
clause exempting her consort from its provisions. Portl. MSS., IV. 51. 

*Parl. Debates (Turlock), III. 332; Evelyn, Diary, IV. 398. Several of 
the bishops had been appointed by William, who thought they should labor 



88 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

and the measure was lost, leaving the Tories furious 
against Dissenters and bishops alike. However, the bill 
refused to remain dead, but came back later to haunt the 
Whigs. 

Indeed, in the next session, another was introduced in 
the Commons, as such men as Seymour, Bromley, and 
Rochester would never lose an opportunity to gain popu- 
larity by professing zeal for the church. 1 In the mean- 
time, the temper of the people had changed and Anne's 
zeal for the measure had cooled. 2 In concluding her ad- 
dress on opening the second session of her first parlia- 
ment, she said: "Let me therefore desire you all, that 
you carefully avoid any heats or divisions that may dis- 
appoint me of that satisfaction [harmony], and give 
encouragement to the common enemies of our church and 
state." 3 Nevertheless, the queen's ideas of the merits 
of the bill remained as before. "I shall not have the 
worse opinion of the lords that are for it; for though I 
should have been very glad, if it had not been brought 
into the Commons, because I would not have any pretense 
for quarrelling, I can't help thinking, now it is as good as 
past . . . the Lords too, ... I see nothing like persecu- 
tion in this bill." 4 Doubtless, she feared the consequence 
of strife between the houses, when England was at death- 
grips with France. Moreover, Anne had been made 
aware of the great opposition of the commercial classes 
to the bill; whereas the defection of the bishops and the 

for a reconciliation with the Dissenters. Burnet asserts that the five peers 
were created to carry this measure. Other Side, p. 194. See Defoe 's Review, 
II. No. 28. 

i Remusat, I. 148 ; Newcastle Papers, Add. MSS., 33084, f . 172. 

2Epistol. Cor. of Dr. Atterbury, III. 132; Burnet, V. 109. 

s Pari. Hist., VI. 151, 155-8; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), V. 157-9, 
297-9. 

4 Conduct, p. 154; Hatton-Finch Papers, Add. MSS., 29568, f. 151; 
Thomas, p. 132. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 89 

curtain lectures of Burnet may have proved to the queen 
that her duty was to conciliate the non-conformists, 1 
whose power was increasing. 

Despite Anne's plainly expressed desire that the strife 
over occasional conformity should cease, the Tory leaders 
persisted, although they softened down considerably the 
provisions of the second bill. On the previous attempt, 
it passed the Commons by a large majority, practically 
without discussion. This time it was fairly debated, but 
the vote was still strongly in its favor; it was sent up 
to the peers, and a tiresome debate ensued. Each side 
was reasonably confident, particularly the Highfliers. 2 
The court was not so zealous as before in bringing up 
supporters; Prince George, with his wife's consent, not 
only failed to attend, but even neglected to send his 
proxy. 3 The motion for a second reading was lost 71 to 
59, and 23 peers formally dissented, among them Marl- 
borough and Grodolphin. 4 

The queen's attitude was so tactful that she lost 
neither Whig nor Tory support by her husband's action. 
Yet the extreme Highfliers were thoroughly enraged and 
more determined than ever. They took the bit firmly in 
their teeth and tried to run away with Anne and her 
moderate ministers. The queen was now thoroughly 
convinced of the inherent selfishness of the more ardent 
supporters of the bill, and later her influence was un- 

i Clarke and Foxcroft, Burnet, p. 401 ; Thomson, I. 408-11. 

2 Add. MSS., 9712, f. 53; Newcastle Papers, Add. MSS., 33084, f. 172; 
Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28891, f. 263. 

s Luttrell, V. 369. Anne said : ' ' Mr. Bromley will be disappointed, for 
the Prince does not intend to go to the House, when the bill of occasional 
conformity is brought in; but at the same time I think him very much in 
the right not to vote in it. ' ' She was broad-minded enough to tolerate 
George's Low Church ideas. 

tParl. Hist., VI. 171; Hatton-Finch Papers, Add. MSS., 29568, f. 151. 
In the vote there were 29 proxies, 17 for, and 12 against, the bill. 



90 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

equivocally thrown in the scales against them, largely 
on account of their ungenerous and tactless behavior. 
They refused to take their defeat philosophically, but 
immediately began crying that the church was in danger, 
an accusation which the queen considered a personal 
insult and a direct reflection upon her administration, 
especially since they further insisted that her ministry 
and the bishops were little better than fanatics. 

These peers were close to the truth when they charged 
Godolphin and Marlborough with double-dealing, inas- 
much as both secretly opposed the bill, while voting in its 
favor. 1 Anne, though unquestionably desiring legislation 
against Dissenters, was yet unwilling to countenance such 
disaffection from the Tories. Defoe's satirical pamphlet, 
The Shortest Way with the Dissenters, made these men 
angry when the hoax was made known, but Anne stood 
between them and their victim. 2 Her sympathy for 
Defoe marked the first step in her gradual drift toward 
the Whigs. Her feeling relative to the factiousness of 
Eochester, Nottingham, and others is well set forth in 
her speech closing the session. Sorrow is shown for the 
failure of the Tories to follow her advice, as well as a 
determination to insist upon her own views. "I am not 
discouraged," she said, "from persisting in the same 
earnest desire that you would go down into your several 
counties so disposed to moderation and unity, as becomes 
all those which are joined together in the same religion 
and interest." 3 The effect of this address upon the 
people was considerable, but upon the persistent High- 

i Consult the Parliamentary History (VI. 170) for the votes and the 
Portland MSS. (IV. 155) for Godolphin 's letter to Harley. See also 
Wharton's Memoirs, p. 40; J. Stoughton, Religion in England, p. 30. 

2 Port. MSS., IV. 68. At first Anne was not in favor of releasing Defoe. 
Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, f. 44. 

3 Py. Hist., VI. 336. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 91 

fliers and Jacobites it was entirely lost. They were still 
resolved upon extreme measures at the earliest oppor- 
tunity and rejoiced that ample time was given them 
between the sessions to prepare their plans. 

Anne's speech at the opening of the next session re- 
iterated her desire for concord between the warring 
factions, and she coupled with it an earnest appeal for 
the sympathetic co-operation of both houses. Even this 
failed to change in the slightest the determination of 
Jersey, Nottingham, and Buckingham, as they were reso- 
lute in their war against occasional conformists, who 
communicated with the Anglican Church in order to 
profit by holding public offices. Almost as soon as par- 
liament opened, therefore, leave was given to bring in 
another bill to prevent occasional conformity. 1 Its sup- 
porters knew that the Lords would never pass the 
measure on its own merits, so they decided to append it 
to some vital bill. Probably the most important act 
before parliament was the four-shilling land tax, which 
brought in the greatest revenue to the government of 
any tax levied, 2 and was necessary for the continuation 
of the war. Since its passage was of such moment, the 
Tories decided to "tack" their bill to it. Accordingly, 
William Bromley, after a lengthy speech in its favor, 
moved that it be tacked to the land tax bill. 3 

The issue was now squarely drawn between the two 
houses; it not only raised the question of the power of 
the Lords over revenue measures, but was in direct oppo- 
sition to their resolution passed two years before at the 
recommendation of Halifax. He had foreseen the proba- 

i Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, f. 225; Franlcland-Eussell- 
Astley MSS. (H. M. C), p. 168; Luttrell, V. 486; Burton, T. 89. 

2 It produced about £4,000,000. See Py. Hist., V. App. xix. 

3Py. Hist., VI. 360; Chamberlen, p. 174; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), 
VI. 229. 



92 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

bility of a "tack" upon the first introduction of this bill, 
and moved "that the annexing any clause to a money bill 
was contrary to the constitution . . . and the usage of 
Parliament. ' n 

"Tacking" was not such an exceptional procedure, 
since in the reign of William alone at least three attempts 
were made to interfere with the financial powers of par- 
liament. With this experience fresh in mind, both parties 
awaited with the keenest interest the outcome of Brom- 
ley's motion, because a quarrel between the houses would 
have been fatal to administrative efficiency during the 
war. It was really a critical moment in English history, 
as both the friends and foes of the bill expected it to 
pass. The lower house realized the danger, however, and 
hesitated to assume responsibility for an open breach 
with the Lords, so after a long and spirited debate the 
Commons themselves defeated 2 the "tack" 251 to 134, 
and a disagreeable quarrel between the houses was 
averted. The result appears, on the face of it, as a splen- 
did illustration of the influence of the court and of the 
strength of such moderate Tories as Harley and St. John, 
whom the excessive aggressiveness of the extreme Tories 
had offended. 3 

However, the Highfliers were not at the end of their 
resources ; they now passed the original bill through the 
Commons and sent it up to the Lords without the "tack." 
For the third time, the contest was close, but not so close 
as before, since a greater number realized the truth in 
Lord Mohun's statement that "if they passed the bill, 
they had as good tack the pretended Prince of Wales to 

i Life of Calamy, I. 465 ; Memoirs of Halifax, p. 89 ; Chamberlen, p. 67. 

2 Py. Hist., VI. 362 ; Luttrell, V. 492 ; Colce MSS., III. 53. 

3 Seventeen of the eighteen members from the Cinque Ports voted against 
it. See Oldmixon, IV. 346; Py. Hist., VI. 364; Somers' Tracts, XII. 
469-76; Bath MSS., I. 64-5; Coxe, I. 249. 



THE QUEEN AND PAELIAMENT 93 

it," 1 and the motion to read it a second time was lost 71 
to 50, 2 although it came up again a few years later. 

The queen was piqued at the crude methods of the 
"tackers" and gave unmistakable expression to her dis- 
pleasure. A few moderate Tories feared an alliance 
between the Highfliers and the radical Whigs, which 
might drive the ministry from office. The equally adroit 
and mysterious Defoe assured Harley that such a "con- 
federacy" had been broached between the two factions. 
He even suggested that the ministry might use the im- 
moderate hatred of the High Church Tories for the Dis- 
senters to discredit the Highfliers, not only with the 
people but with Anne as well, and it is at least probable 
that the leading ministers did utilize the bill for their 
own purpose. 3 At any rate, the Tory zealots, expecting 
to show the queen their real strength through the ' ' tack, ' ' 
lost instead the support of able leaders in their own 
party, who became more closely allied with the junto as 
time went on. 4 In this struggle of the houses over reli- 
gion, the Whigs had won, and the Highfliers had lost the 
active assistance of their best friend, the queen, who was 
forced to turn to the moderate Tories and Whigs for 
support. 

There were two principles at stake in this contest over 
occasional conformity — that of religious toleration and 

i Life of Calamy, II. 27. Calamy thought that the measure would have 
been disastrous to England. Two short pamphlets, A Brief Account of the 
Tack (1705?) and The Character of a "Tacker" and " Anti-T acker" 
(1705), give a splendid conception of the feeling against the "tackers." 
The description of the "tacker" is almost humorous. See also Defoe's 
Review, May 12, 1705. 

2 By. Hist., VI. 368. 

s Portl. MSS., IV. 148. See also on this point Bath MSS., I. 64; Defoe's 
Review, III. 177; Harrop, Bolingoroke, p. 29; Clarke and Foxcroft, Burnet, 
p. 413. 

* Faults on Both Sides, p. 27; James, III. 275. 



94 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

that of the power of the Commons over taxation. Event- 
ually, the rights of Dissenters were left unchanged, and 
the right of the Commons to take the lead in matters of 
taxation was reaffirmed. In another sense, the failure 
of the High Church Tories lessened the influence of the 
church in politics and strengthened for the moment the 
queen's prerogative, although it eventually threw Anne 
more and more into the power of the Whigs, who grad- 
ually gained ground until by the summer of 1705 the 
ministry was Whig in fact, if not in name. 

The contest between the houses over religion was not 
the only one during this parliament, as they had clashed 
early over a question of jurisdiction, and this time the 
Commons were the aggressors throughout. In William's 
reign the latter had displayed an arrogance not fre- 
quently seen in a representative body, when they cast 
into jail certain Kentish petitioners, who had aroused 
their wrath by suggesting, with war so imminent, that the 
Commons should turn from loyal addresses to a consid- 
eration of bills of supply. Early in Anne's reign, the 
Commons displayed the same factious disposition in 
regard to Scottish affairs. Since the time of the Tudors, 
Scotland had been a fertile field for plots against Eng- 
land. Under the Stuart kings such plots were numerous 
enough, but they grew apace after 1688, as a large portion 
of the Scots were kindly disposed towards James II and 
his sons, and the foremost Scottish statesmen intrigued 
almost openly in favor of the Chevalier. The avarice of 
other time-serving Scots, and their willingness to serve 
any party or master who paid them well increased the 
number of plots, but numerous as they were in reality, 
the imagination of English officials multiplied them. 

Simon Fraser stands as one of the unprincipled rascals 
of history. Early in the reign he had come from France 
with a forged letter, purporting to be from St. Germain, 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 95 

and presumably addressed to Atkol, Scottish privy seal. 1 
The Duke of Queensberry, the queen's commissioner in 
Scotland, in haste to take advantage of the suspicion thus 
cast on his dreaded rival, at once sent the queen word of 
the conspiracy. In the meantime, several supposed 
traitors were seized in England, the most important of 
whom was Sir John Maclean, equally famous as a High- 
land chieftain and Jacobite. The queen's fears were 
increased by Queensberry 's message, and in a speech 
before parliament, she promptly called attention to the 
danger, promising to lay the evidence before them as 
soon as possible. 2 

The Whig peers rejoiced at this opportunity to dis- 
play their enthusiasm for the Protestant succession, and 
vie with the Tory commoners in securing the queen's 
good will. Immediately, a select committee was appointed 
to examine the prisoners. This plan, if pushed to its 
logical conclusion, would supersede the ordinary legal 
procedure, and the Commons strenuously objected, but 
before they could take action, Anne intimated that 
Maclean's examination was too technical a point for this 
committee to handle, and the peers agreed. Yet the lower 
house persisted and embodied their grievance in an ad- 
dress to the queen. The peers replied, only to be criti- 
cized, and the case dragged on and the recriminations 
might have taken even more the form of an endurance 
contest, had not the queen cooled their ardor by a tactful 

i Add. MSS., vols. 31249 to 31253, passim; Annals (1703), p. 189; Lock 
hart's Memoirs, pp. 76-87; Burnet, V. 96; Caveat against the Whigs, pp 
46-62. 

2 Py. Hist., VI. 172-4. The contemporary evidence of this plot is exten 
sive. Add. MSS., 20311; Hatton-Finch Papers, Add. MSS., 29587, ff 
124-56; Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34526, f. 80B; Carte MSS. (Bodl.) 
CLXXX. 93-6, 407-47; S. P. Dom., Anne, I. 66, III. 104; S. P. Dom., Sec 
Letter Books, CIV. 385, sq.; Add. MSS., 9712, f. 55; Wharton MSS. (Bodl.), 
IV. 25. 



96 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

address to the Lords. "I hope," she said, "none of my 
subjects have any desire to lessen my prerogative, since 
I have no thought of making use of it but for their pro- 
tection and advantage. I look upon it as a great mis- 
fortune, when any misunderstandings happen between 
the two houses." 1 This insinuation was not intended 
entirely for the upper house, and its meaning could not 
have been lost upon the Commons. The power of the 
crown would have suffered if this committee of the Lords 
had passed on the case. When the Commons urged Anne 
to take complete charge of the case, she replied through 
the lord steward "that the examination relating to Sir 
John Maclean is a matter of nicety and great importance, 
that it will be inconvenient to take it out of the method 
of examination it is now in, and she will, in a short time, 
communicate the same to this House." 2 The outcome of 
the struggle was indecisive, but the Lords are usually 
thought to have gained popularity by their publication 
of the precedents in the case. 

However, this struggle was neither so bitter, nor so 
important, nor its bearing on the powers and privileges 
of the house so direct as the celebrated Aylesbury case. 
December 26, 1700, William III issued writs for a par- 
liamentary election. At the poll in Aylesbury, Ashby 
presented himself to the constables as a duly qualified 
voter, 3 but they refused to allow him to vote, despite the 
fact that he had previously exercised the privilege un- 

i Py. Hist., VI. 224; Coke, III. 161, 170; Luttrell, V. 372. To one inter- 
ested in English constitutional history, the quarrel is important. Each 
house searched for precedents and the results are found in the Parliamentary 
History, VI. 172, 338. The Lords' report is particularly well written. 

2 Add. MSS., 22263, f . 60. 

3 Burnet suspected that a corrupt bargain had been made with the con- 
stables by one of the candidates. Cf. The Life and Reign of her late 
Excellent Majesty, Queen Anne, p. 230. Burnet, V. 114; Defoe, Legion's 
Humble Address. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 97 

questioned. Thereupon, Ashby sued White, one of the 
constables, for damages, and was granted a verdict of £5 
at the county assizes. Appeal was taken to the Queen's 
Bench, where the verdict was reversed by a divided court, 
Chief Justice Holt dissenting, on the ground that in cases 
involving the right of suffrage and elections, the Com- 
mons had exclusive jurisdiction. Forthwith the case was 
brought before the High Court of Parliament on a writ 
of error. This tribunal, the highest court of appeals in 
England — in reality nothing more than the peers sitting 
in their judicial capacity — reversed the decision of the 
Queen's Bench. 1 

Once more the Commons were alarmed about so great 
an assumption of power by the peers, and again Anne 
had to act as peacemaker, as the lower house immediately 
made its feelings known. Little could then be accom- 
plished, as parliament was soon prorogued and both sides 
stopped for breath. In the interim, Ashby proceeded to 
execute judgment, and five other aggrieved voters 
brought suits against the constables. The Commons saw 
one of its historical privileges in danger of invasion — its 
most prized right of deciding all matters with reference 
to parliamentary elections and membership in the Com- 
mons — and in their wrath they committed Ashby and his 
associates to Newgate. 

The Lords could not long remain silent under such a 
challenge. At first all they could do was to encourage 
Ashby to ask the Court of Queen's Bench for a writ of 
habeas corpus. 2 In keeping with its former stand, this 

i Luttrell, V. 380; Hallam, Const. Hist. (1880 ed.), III. 264; State Trials, 
XIV. 695-888. The Lords also sent a copy of their decision to the sheriffs 
who should communicate them to their respective boroughs. Py. Hist., 
VI. 228. 

2 Burnet, V. 188. Ashby seems to have been a hostler, and had a hard 
time keeping out of the rank of pauper during the trial. Wharton was 
supposed to be backing him. /&., V. 190; Wyon, I. 318. 



98 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

tribunal refused to grant the writ against the commit- 
ment of the Commons, 1 Chief Justice Holt once more dis- 
senting. Angered by this decision, Ashby's supporters 
threatened to do the most obvious thing left them — carry 
the case before the Lords on a writ of error. The Com- 
mons at once became excited and petitioned the queen 
against the writ. Receiving little satisfaction, their fears 
got the better of their discretion, and they ordered that 
the "Aylesbury men might be discharged from their im- 
prisonment . . . and taken into custody of the sergeant- 
at-arms," of the Commons. The situation was a delicate 
one, particularly for Anne. On the one hand, the Lords 
were struggling to secure to the individual a property 
interest in his vote, on the other, the Commons were 
standing for their accustomed right of passing upon the 
qualifications of their own members. 

Despite the fact that the legality of the whole matter 
was in doubt, it was now laid before the queen for adjudi- 
cation. If she favored granting the writ, she openly 
alienated the men of the lower house, who presumably 
represented the popular mind; if she refused to consent 
to the writ, she would appear ungrateful to the house 
that was carrying out her wishes in legislative affairs. 
The arguments of the best legal minds may have con- 
vinced her that this writ of error was in reality a "writ 
of right" and could not be refused. 2 At any rate, she 
begged for a few days to consider the matter, and this 
element of time saved the whole situation, as she saw to 

i Howell, State Trials, XIV. 840; Hallam, Const. Hist., III. 265. 

2 Coke, III. 194. Py. Hist., VI. 385; . . . Bepresentation and Address of 
the . . . Lords Spiritual and Temporal . . . , presented to Her Majesty 
(1704). The best brief account of the case is given by H. E. Shipman, The 
House of Commons and Disputed Elections, A. H. Assn. Reports (1914), 
I. 174-6. Contemporary statements of the case are found in Hatton-Finch 
Papers, Add. MSS., 29568, ff. 153-4; Sloane MSS. (B. M.), 3066; Py. Hist., 
VI. 431; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), V. 259-62. 



THE QUEEN AND PAELIAMENT 99 

it that parliament had practically finished, its work when 
she arrived at a decision. 

Anne's answers to the addresses showered npon her 
by both houses are proof of her tact in handling the diffi- 
cult situation. ' ' I should have granted the writs of error 
desired in this address," she finally replied to the Lords, 
''but finding an absolute necessity of putting an imme- 
diate end to this session, I am sensible there could have 
been no further proceeding upon the matter. ' n With the 
prorogation the Aylesbury men under the charge of the 
sergeant-at-arms were released ; the peers had gained for 
their day a practical victory, though the legal question 
still remained undecided. The real advantage seems to 
rest with the Commons, as their control over all matters 
concerning elections has never since been successfully 
questioned. On account of the steadily growing power 
of the Commons the matter soon ceased to be of political 
importance. 

This celebrated case of Ashby vs. White was, however, 
more than a quarrel between the houses, it was really a 
test of the relative strength of Whig and Tory, and this 
fact partly accounts for Anne 's extremely judicious atti- 
tude. In the three contests between the two houses and 
the two parties as exemplified in their different positions 
on the questions of war — occasional conformity, the 
"tack," and the elections — party struggles stand out in 
bold relief, and indicate clearly the growing political self- 
consciousness of both Whig and Tory. On the other 
hand, these controversies display the serious attempts of 
the queen to stand above and between parties, a policy 
so difficult that it soon brought her into direct opposition 
to that faction, the religious inclinations of which re- 
sembled her own. Yet, despite her extreme piety, she 
could, and did forget her devotion to the church, the 

i Py. Hist., VT. 436. 



100 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

moment she felt that her prerogative was attacked, or 
her individual rights assailed. 

Not only had the Highfliers dared to attack her pre- 
rogative and her affection for the church, but by their 
activity they stirred deeply her personal feelings. At 
her request, a bill was introduced into parliament by the 
impetuous, and grateful "Jack" Howe, granting a pen- 
sion of £100,000 to the prince in case he outlived the 
queen. 1 While this bill was passing through the Com- 
mons, an amendment was added which excepted the prince 
from the operation of a law prohibiting all foreigners, 
even though naturalized, from holding office under the 
crown. The ostensible reason for this amendment was 
the fear that future sovereigns might interpret the afore- 
said act to the detriment of the prince. The Lords, how- 
ever, looked upon it as a "tack" to a money bill and it 
was only after the most determined pressure on Anne's 
part, combined with dextrous management by the min- 
istry under the leadership of Godolphin and Harley, that 
the bill finally passed the Lords by a majority of four. 2 
The queen was greatly displeased at the disrespect shown 
her husband and never forgave three 3 of the seven Lords 
who protested. 

Anne's resentment against the Whig lords could wait, 
however, as they were out of office; but not so with the 
Tories still in her councils. The first member of the 
ministry to feel the force of her wrath was her uncle, 
Rochester — the real leader of the Tories. Presuming 

i Boyer, p. 36. 

2 L. J., Jan. 1, 1703; Rijks Arehief, 26^, Jan. 23, 1703; Luttrell, V. 259; 
Portl. MSS., IV. 57; Coxe, I. 104; Marlb. MSS., 53. In the committee of 
the whole in the Commons, a considerable number wished to reduce the 
allowance to £50,000. 

s Somers, Wharton, and Sunderland. Anne 's wrath was momentarily 
directed against Burnet, also, because he protested. Clarke and Foxcroft, 
Burnet, p. 400. Cf. Coxe Papers, XLI. 13. 



THE QUEEN AND PAELIAMENT 101 

upon his kinship and the queen's approval of his High 
Church beliefs, he fully expected to be at her right hand 
in the government, and the astute Dutch representative 
at London feared lest he be appointed lord treasurer. 1 
In truth, Rochester felt certain of being chosen as head 
of the ministry, and was greatly disappointed when 
Godolphin was selected instead. His pique was meas- 
urably increased when his favorite daughter, Lady 
Dalkeith, was passed over in favor of Marlborough's 
daughters in choosing ladies of the bedchamber, 2 and his 
temper once more gained the better of him. Yet Anne 
had been kind to him ; and for a time he was deep in her 
confidence. Not content with these marks of favor, he 
objected to her moderate policy in changing the ministry, 
in which attitude he was supported by the High Church 
adherents. Hypocritical as ever, he sought to ingratiate 
himself with his niece while absenting himself from his 
post of duty and intriguing against other members of 
the ministry. 3 

Rochester's inclinations alarmed both Marlborough 
and Godolphin, who wished to work in harmony with 
him. After some difficulty, they prevailed upon the queen 
to order him to leave for Ireland, that they might get him 
out of the way. 4 When Anne's message reached Roch- 
ester, he hesitated for several days, then angrily waited 
upon her and asked to be excused from office. Greatly 
to his surprise, she calmly accepted his resignation, and, 

i Coxe, I. 235. 

2 Conduct, pp. 131-5. Cf. Other Side, pp. 167-9. 

3 L 'Hermitage to Heinsius, 21 April, 1702, Eijks Archief, 26A. Span- 
heim's dispatches to Berlin show the same thing. Von Noorden, I. 201. In 
October, 1703, Rochester presented Anne with a copy of his father's History 
of the Rebellion, which was dedicated to her as a granddaughter of the 
author. Luttrell, V. 351. 

*T. Salmon, Mod. Hist., I. 23; Cal. S. P. Bom. (1702-3), p. 251; Portl. 
MSB., IV. 39. 



102 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

to his consternation, quietly made known her desire to 
see him no more at her cabinet council, saying that it 
was not reasonable he " should come to the council only 
when he pleased." 1 Her general demeanor made him 
furious, and henceforth he was to be found in the ranks 
of her Majesty's opposition. Anne had not only dis- 
missed, but disgraced him; partly because of the oppo- 
sition of Marlborough and Godolphin and partly on 
account of his stand relative to the pension she recom- 
mended for Marlborough; 2 but more particularly, it 
would seem, as a result of his presumptuous and insolent 
attitude towards herself, personally. 

Rochester's expulsion was only the beginning of the 
schism in the Tory party and the queen's first move 
against her high Tory ministers. Nottingham had been 
intimate in his relations with Rochester, and he, together 
with Seymour, Buckingham, Hedges, and Jersey, kept 
up their opposition to Marlborough and insisted upon 
displacing Whig officials by zealous Tories. In 1703, 
Nottingham opposed sending aid to the distressed Ceven- 
nois, who, on account of their heresy, were being so 
bitterly persecuted by Louis XIV. 3 Similarly, he gave 
trouble over negotiations with Portugal, maintaining that 
it was dishonorable for England to strike her enemies in 
another king's ports. He had also been one of the fore- 
most champions of the Occasional Conformity Bill, and 
an inveterate enemy of the Dissenters. In general, he 
was exceedingly annoying to the ministry on account of 
his obstructive tactics; 4 although, despite this factious 
opposition to court measures, Anne had been favorably 

i Conduct, p. 141; P. C. Reg., LXXIX. 304; Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 
7075, f. 13. 

2 Parliament's refusal to reward Marlborough as she wished was a sensi- 
tive point with the Queen. See Other Side, pp. 205-6. 

a Wyon, I. 208 ; Lecky, I. 34 ; H. Belloc, Lingard 's Hist., XI. 82-3. 

* Timberland, II. 35-72, passim. 



THE QUEEN AND PARLIAMENT 103 

disposed towards him. Before she had been queen two 
months, she appointed him secretary of state, in which 
position he was equally active and inefficient. 1 In Feb- 
ruary, 1703, he had the honor of bearing her message to 
the Lords, requesting them to dispatch their business 
speedily that she might end the session. A year later, at 
her command, he laid before the peers several depositions 
relating to the Scottish plot. In April, 1704, it was 
rumored that the dismal earl was to receive the Garter. 2 
Like Rochester, however, Nottingham became too im- 
perious in his treatment of the queen, who was becoming 
alarmed lest the High Church Tories might carry things 
too far. He waited upon the lord treasurer and insisted 
upon the removal of the remaining Whigs from high 
offices. He received no satisfaction from Godolphin, so 
wisely waiting until Marlborough had sailed for Hol- 
land, he called upon Anne in person, and threatened to 
resign if she did not dismiss Somerset and Devonshire 
from the Privy Council, or at least neglect in the future 
to summon them. He probably had news of intended 
ministerial changes which would greatly weaken his posi- 
tion, else he would not have been so overbearing. Al- 
though Anne liked him personally, she never gave in to 
a threat, and she advised him to think the matter over. 3 
This he agreed to do, but when he learned that his com- 
rades, Jersey and Seymour, were certain to be dismissed, 
he resigned. The appointment of his successor occa- 
sioned some difficulty, as a month elapsed before Harley 
was selected in his place. This promotion is one of the 
significant political events of the reign, as the introduc- 

i Like his successor, Nottingham was a politician rather than a diplomat. 
Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588-9, passim. See also Bath MSS., I. 
63; Defoe, Conduct of Parties, p. 8; Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34513, 
f. 164. 

aLuttrell, V. 271, 371-2, 385, 410. 

3 CoTce MSS., III. 35 ; Burnet, V. 139 ; Portl. MSS., IV. 86. 



104 ENGLISH POLITICAL PABTIES 

tion of Harley and two of his colleagues, St. John and 
Mansell, into the ministry, meant the end for a while of 
all factious opposition to the queen in that body, which 
still remained moderately Tory. 

Anne's patience with the Highfliers was entirely ex- 
hausted. Their opposition to the Occasional Conformity 
Bill, the "tack," and the Aylesbury case made their 
presence in the ministry unbearable. For nearly three 
years she had struggled to carry on her government with 
the consent of the high Tories. Consistent with her own 
prerogative, she had done everything to conciliate them, 
but in vain. She had hoped to reign and govern by means 
of a composite ministry, made up mainly of Tories, but 
this was found impracticable, since the Highfliers refused 
to work in harmony with either Whigs or moderate 
Tories. When the usual arguments proved powerless to 
shake the queen's determination, they resorted to threats 
and intimidation. Thus challenged, iVnne had no choice 
but to pick up the gauntlet ; their leaders were dismissed 
one by one, and as soon as possible she caused writs to 
be issued for a new election. 

In these years Anne had faced a series of violent party 
struggles over war, religion, and jurisdiction between 
the two houses. In each contest, she had conducted affairs 
with moderation, tact, and political sagacity, constantly 
appealing to the public, whose sympathy she had gained 
early in the reign. Despite the immoderate rivalry 
between Lords and Commons, the intense bitterness 
between Whig and Tory, and the hatred between Dis- 
senter and Anglican, she contrived to prevent any open 
break, and ruled with the aid of the moderates of both 
factions. Supported by Marlborough as general, Godol- 
phin as first minister, and Harley as speaker, she suc- 
ceeded in gaining large grants of money for carrying on 
the war, which under the Duke of Marlborough's able 



THE QUEEN AND PAELIAMENT 105 

leadership redounded greatly to the honor of the king- 
dom and increased her prestige abroad as well as at 
home. Dearer to the queen's heart than the war, was the 
union with Scotland, which had now reached a critical 
stage, but with all chances apparently in favor of its 
consummation. 

Thus, at the end of her first parliament, Anne had 
triumphed over the political factions which had threat- 
ened to deprive her of ministers who would do her bid- 
ding. The security of the Protestant succession seemed 
assured, while at the same time her general had won the 
glorious victory at Blenheim and Gibraltar had been 
captured, so that her kingdom once more ranked with 
the leading states of Europe. 



CHAPTER III 

THE ELECTION OF 1705 

The queen had become weary of the jealousy between the 
two houses, and the rivalry of the Whigs and Tories. 
Thus in proroguing parliament in April, 1704, she begged 
in vain that they might forget their quarrels, "as the 
most effectual means imaginable to disappoint the ambi- 
tions of our enemies and reduce them to an honourable 
and lasting peace." 1 The factiousness of the Highfliers 
continued unabated and she was forced to dismiss some 
of them from the ministry to lessen the strife in the en- 
suing session of parliament. Of their gradual loss of 
public support the Tory zealots were as oblivious as of 
the increase in the queen 's popularity through the success 
of her armies and navy. 

Although she had been received with great acclaim at 
her accession, 2 Anne's popularity had slowly declined on 
account of the Jacobite intrigues and the heavy war 
taxes. In the autumn of 1704, the English were rejoicing 
at the victory of the great duke at Blenheim — the first 
decisive battle the English had won against their old 
hereditary enemy since Agincourt, as well as the first 
great military advantage over Louis XIV. English 
patriotism now burst forth anew, and many must have 
contrasted Anne's vigorous foreign policy with the sub- 
servience which her father and uncle had shown towards 
France. Aware of her growing power, she expressed her 

i Py. Hist, VI. 336. 

2 S. P. Dom., Anne, II. 62-4; III. 34-5. 



THE ELECTION OP 1705 107 

appreciation of the popular manifestations in her favor, 
by a speech opening parliament in October. Assuring 
her subjects that her greatest desire was to promote their 
welfare, she asked the houses to be even more liberal 
than before in voting military supplies, at the same time 
maintaining that she was willing to make personal sac- 
rifices "for the best advantage of the public service." 
She was still desirous of healing the wounds made by the 
disputes of the houses and the change of ministry, and 
appealed again to their patriotism, entreating them to 
stifle this last hope of Louis XIV. "My inclinations are 
to be kind and indulgent to you all," she said, "I hope 
. . . that there will be no contention but who shall most 
promote the public welfare. Such a temper cannot fail 
of securing your reputation both at home and abroad." 1 
Such excellent advice was wasted; the Highfliers per- 
sisted in supporting the Occasional Conformity Bill, the 
defeat of which at the same time increased Anne's resent- 
ment and feeling of personal power. When Scottish 
affairs were under discussion, she attended the debates in 
the Lords in the hope that her presence might strengthen 
the ministerial policy concerning Scotland. We have 
seen that when the Aylesbury case threatened to disrupt 
parliament, she had quietly prorogued it, but not without 
thanks for its liberal war grants, which she hoped might 
soon bring a peace both favorable and lasting. "I con- 
clude, therefore, with exhorting you all to peace and 
union," she repeated, "which are always commendable, 
but more particularly necessary at this time, when, the 
whole kingdom being shortly to proceed to new elections, 
it ought to be the chief care of everybody, especially of 
such as are in public stations, to carry themselves with 
the greatest prudence and moderation." 2 

i Py. Hist., VI. 355-6. 
2 lb., 437. 



108 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

During the summer of 1705, the queen found it neces- 
sary to fill some vacant dioceses, to which she appointed 
moderate men, hoping that these bishops might help 
check the zeal of the Highfliers both in parliament and 
in the ensuing elections. For similar reasons, she deemed 
it advisable to remove Buckingham and appoint the Duke 
of Newcastle in his stead. She further gave places to 
the moderates by admitting the Earl of Peterborough, 
the Earl of Kent, the new lord chamberlain, and the Earl 
of Cholmondeley to the Privy Council. Others of her sup- 
porters were also rewarded by appointments in the 
military service or promotions to the peerage. 1 As a 
result, she had secured, by the close of March, 1705, 
a ministry personally acceptable to her. Godolphin 
rested secure in her confidence, and, aided by the new 
ministers, attempted to administer the government in 
accordance with her wishes. This he could not hope to 
do with the Tories controlling the Commons. According 
to law, the next election must occur before the close of 
the year, so the ministry now sought to choose a new 
House of Commons which would favor the vigorous 
prosecution of the war. 

The Tory strength in parliament had been shown in 
the contests between the two houses, in which they lost 
something of public favor, but the "tack" was a fatal 
Tory blunder. 2 However, even with the growing Tory 
unpopularity, the power and influence of church was 
so great that the Whigs could not expect to defeat their 
opponents, except by skilful management. Naturally, 
the Tories could count on the clergy for some effective 
work, and the Whigs could balance their ascendancy and 
their harangues only by an active canvass, supplemented 
by a liberal use of money. Of the necessity of such large 

i Annals (3705), p. 7; Py. Hist., VI. 439; Cokayne, Peerage, IV. 357. 
2 Life of Calamy, II. 34. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 109 

expenditures, the Whig leaders were well aware, as they 
found their rivals already active. Consequently, they 
made early preparations for the contest. 1 

Few elections in the early eighteenth century were so 
bitterly contested as was this. 2 The Tories felt them- 
selves slipping, through the loss of the queen's favor, and 
went to their pollings determined to retrieve what they 
had lost through her hostility, by gaining a still larger 
majority in the Commons. On the other hand, the Whigs 
had tasted the sweets of political power and were deter- 
mined to increase their influence. "Feuds were scarce 
ever higher, nor greater interest made," wrote Roger 
Coke, "all the distinctions of parties were not confined 
to High and Low Church only, but tackers, sneekers and 
what not were continually trumped up. ' ' 3 " The elections 
were disputed with equal industry, and more than ordi- 
nary heat and animosity by the High and Loiv Church 
Party."* 

To regain their influence, the Tories depended as 
formerly upon family influence, active electioneering, and 
the support of the lesser clergy. Even their opponents, 
apparently, do not accuse them of bribery or corruption. 
However, they did make the most of family ties and 

i Godolphin-Osborne Papers, Add. MSS., 28041, f. 5; Ellis Papers, Add. 
MSS., 28892, f. 411. In September, 1703, Bromley began preparations for 
this election. Portl. MSS., IV. 67. Early in 1705, Sir Thomas Coke wrote 
a campaign letter in behalf of two candidates for the borough of Derby. 
A month later, he learned that the Whig candidate had the advantage of 
being already on the ground. Coke MSS., III. 54-5. Another of Harley's 
friends was laying his plans a year before the dissolution. Portl. MSS., 
IV. 84, 125. See also Fortescue MSS. (H. M. C), II. 8-13; Kenyon MSS. 
(H. M. C), 434; Preface to Defoe's Review, II. 

2S. P. For., German States, CLXI. 539; Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CXXV. 
94, CCXLIV. 59; Portl. MSS., IV. 179-86; Boyer, 178; CoJce MSS., III. 58- 
61; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), VI. xxii; Defoe, Review, II, preface. Cf. 
Portl. MSS., IV. 177. 

s Coke, III. 208 ; Portl. MSS., IV. 200. 

* Chamberlen, p. 188; Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CCXLIV. 58-9; Boyer, p. 178. 



110 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

raised an incessant cry that the church was in danger 1 
from the non-conformists, whose strength had been 
shown in the defeat of the Occasional Conformity Bill. 
In this fight against the Dissenters, they enlisted the 
support not only of the zealous vicars and curates, but 
likewise of the Jacobites, and even of the papists. From 
one end of England to the other, went forth the appeal 
to stand by the church against the forces of atheism and 
republicanism; to save the queen from the hands of the 
ungodly Whigs, who were drawing closer and closer to 
her and would soon enslave her. 2 These arguments were 
not without effect, although they failed entirely in the 
larger towns, where devotion to the church did not run 
so high. 3 The most efficient Tory canvassers were the 
country clergy, whose influence over their poorer parish- 
ioners still remained greater than that of the Whig poli- 
ticians, although their methods were not always above 
reproach. 4 

The dispute over religious matters gave the Tories and 
Whigs alike an added opportunity to make use of the 
press in this election. Pamphlets of all kinds were turned 
out at a rapid rate, and ' ' the lampoons fly as thick as hail 
in order to influence the approaching elections." 5 The 
topic most favored by each party was the Occasional Con- 
formity Bill and the ' ' tack, ' ' and some of the tracts are 
not only ingenuous but entertaining. Among these the 

i Kenyon MSS. (H. M. C), P- 434; Ailesoury MSS. (H. M. C), pp. 188- 
9; Fortescue MSS. (H. M. C), I. 16-7; Portl. MSS., IV. 125; Coke MSS., 
III. 54-70; Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28893, f. 137; Add. MSS., 28892, f. 
411; Py. Hist., VI. 440; Eemusat, I. 159; Oldmixon, IV. 356. 

2 Chamberlen, p. 188; Sharp, I. 133. 

3 Papists, non-jurors, and Jacobites were the main support of the 
"tackers." Defoe's Beview, II. No. 33. See also Oldfield, Pari. Hist., I. 
377. 

4 Hearne, I. 22-3; Portl. MSS., IV. 214; Defoe, Beview, II. Nos. 36-7. 

5 Add. MSS., 4743, f. 31. One of the most noted tracts was A Memorial 
of the Church of England, by James Drake. See Lecky, I. 61. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 111 

best were the work of Hoadly, Defoe, Leslie, Tutcliin, 
and Toland. Defoe, however, was more than a pam- 
phleteer; already he had begun his Review, which was 
extensively read, and exerted a great influence on the 
elections in favor of the ministry, with which Defoe had 
become in secret actively allied. 1 John Dyer's News 
Letter was also widely circulated at the time. The Tories 
made some use of the Paris Gazette, 2 but the advantage 
lay clearly with the ministry in its use of the London 
Gazette, The Postman, and Defoe's Review. 

The great weapon in the Whig arsenal was the un- 
friendly attitude of the Tories towards the queen, as 
shown in the "tack" and the bill on occasional con- 
formity, thus making capital of the well-known loyalty 
of the people for their sovereign, while at the same time 
insisting upon the rights of the Commons over taxation. 
Despite some Tory pamphlets, their arguments were 
favorably received by the voters. 3 The Whig nobles were 
also exceptionally active throughout the canvass. Somer- 
set and Wharton interested themselves especially in the 
pollings, and the peers in general did "more in electing 
this Parliament than ever," 4 a resolution of the House 
of Commons to the contrary notwithstanding. 

i See the account of his 1100-mile electioneering tour in Portl. MSS., 
IV. 269-72. Strangely enough, Defoe was offended at the practice of print- 
ing the names of parliamentary candidates on small sheets and handing 
them about. Review, II. No. 32. 

2 Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28893, f. 137; Burnet, V. 218; Py. Hist., VI. 
440. 

3 Chamberlen, p. 188; A Memorial of the Church of England acted as a 
boomerang to the Tories, for it proved that in their exasperation, they did 
not spare even the queen, much less her favorite ministers. See Tindal, IV. 
184, and Life of Calamy, II. 35. Toland answered it in a Memorial of the 
State of England. 

4 From Dyer's News Letter in Portl. MSS., IV. 190. At Lewes the sheriff 
threatened to "adjourn the Court," if Somerset and his companions did 
not leave. They left and the poll continued. lb., 185; Egerton MSS. 



112 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAKTIES 

Many noblemen chose to interfere by less direct meth- 
ods, and placed their money where it would do the great- 
est good, thus causing the Tories to complain of the large 
sums used by the Whigs to corrupt voters. That revered 
old Tory, John Evelyn, in one of the last entries in his 
diary, wrote of the "most extravagant expense to de- 
bauch and corrupt votes for Parliamentary members," 
adding significantly: "I sent my grandson with his party 
to my freeholders to vote for Mr. Harvey," 1 showing 
that he still retained a hearty interest in elections. Elec- 
tion petitions explicitly charge bribery in at least fifteen 
constituencies, involving more than a score of seats. 2 
Some excellent examples of petty bribery are found in 
the Bedwin election. At first the electorate demanded 
£6 apiece for their votes, but eventually compromised on 
£5, if certain that their debts, varying from Is. 4d. to 
£3 lis., were paid for them. Some received the £5 di- 
rectly, but in several cases the same sum was given to 
their wives ostensibly for spinning wool at 20s. per 
pound. 3 Petty bribery at the pollings at Huntington was 

(B. M.), 929, f. 72; Clarke and Foxcroft, Burnet, p. 417; Hearne, I. 117; 
C. J., XV. 15. 

i Diary, III. 407. Harvey was a stanch Tory and Evelyn was very angry 
because of his defeat. See also Portl. MSS., IV. 199. 

2 C. J., XV. 8-18, passim. 

s Ailesbury MSS. (H. M. C), p. 191. Each man on the receipt of the £5 
gave his bond, which was to be returned to him a fortnight after the elec- 
tion if he had voted as he promised. After the Whig candidates had bribed 
the electorate, sixteen of them decided to desert to the Tories, but they 
were kept prisoners, plied with wine, and taken to the polls before their 
guards were removed. Pollexfen, a London merchant, seems to have been 
the leading Whig candidate, and had the voters well in hand. He secured 
Charles Withers, later returned for Whitchurch, to stand for the borough 
along with himself, but when he would not pay more than £4 as a bribe to 
each of the voters, Pollexfen gave him up as hopeless, and got Admiral Sir 
George Byng to stand. Sir George was more liberal and willingly con- 
tributed £5 to £10 to each voter. Apparently, the voters invited rich mer- 
chants to stand for the borough. lb., pp. 193-4. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 113 

so extensive that one of the election managers was taken 
in custody by the House of Commons. 1 At Lestwithiel, 
the bailiff, a publican, was offered "50 Guineas and a 
Bell," while £5 was the usual price for the doubtful 
members of the electorate of twenty-four. At Oak- 
hampton, the petitioner boasted that he would spend 
£2,000 to win the poll. 2 At Marlborough, bribery was in 
the main less direct, although Somerset's agent was 
"about paying 3011. debts for Solomon Clarke, and offers 
as much to Flurry Bowshire." The Mayor of the town 
not only demanded an enormous amount of food and 
drink for his annual feast, but together with one "Tom 
Smith" forced the candidates to buy his products at 
extortionate prices. 3 Wharton, the Whig leader, is said 
to have spent £12,000 upon his elections. 4 "Mr. Diston 
spares no pains or costs," wrote one man, "I am sure 
if you give £500 for a common councilman Diston will out- 
bribe you on all occasions." 5 Robert Pitt paid £100 to 
secure one vote of the ten at notorious Old Sarum for his 
candidate, who even then nearly lost his seat through a 
double return. 6 Defoe complained that in spite of the 
acts recently passed to prevent bribery and corruption 
at elections, "never was treating, bribing, buying of 
voices, freedoms and freeholds, and all the corrupt prac- 
tices in the world, so open and barefaced. ' ' 7 

The making of "faggot voters" was another efficient 

1 The bribes varied from a guinea to £15. C. J., XV. 104. 

2 C. J., XV. 92-4, 72-3. 

3 Ailesbury MSS. (H. M. C), pp. 195-6. Bribery was almost open in the 
election at Newcastle-under-Lyme. C. J., XV. 178. 

*D. N. B., art. on "Wharton." See also Hearne, I. 117; C. J., XV. 15. 

s Portl. MSS., IV. 1 76. Diston had probably spent £300 in lawsuits and 
bribes since the last election. 

zFortescue MSS. (H. M. C), I. 17; see also C. J., XV. 60-1. 

7 Defoe's Review, II. No. 32. The law in question was 2 & 3 Anne, c. 13. 
Many of the petitions in controverted elections complain of "threats, 
promises, bribes, treats," or "treating, bribery, menaces." C. J., XV. 10. 



114 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

method of gaining elections, as large landholders might 
by splitting freeholds control a considerable number of 
votes. Complaints from the Tories against this way of 
winning elections are frequent, and Tory defeats in Hert- 
fordshire, Cheshire, Essex, and Colchester were laid to 
this trick. In the first two pollings, all four unsuccessful 
Tory candidates polled a larger number of votes than 
the victorious ones in 1702. 1 The Whig victory at Rich- 
mond was gained, according to the petitioner, partly "by 
splitting of votes, and houses, and lands, to multiply 
votes," and at Lestwithiel "deeds passed a freehold to 
26 persons." 2 Other sources also afford us instances of 
this practice, which seems to grow more prevalent in 
early eighteenth-century elections. 

So extensive an employment of money in this election 
reminds one somewhat of the election of 1698, when the 
two East India companies competed against each other 
for the favor of the electorate. As in that canvass, so in 
this, the commercial element put forth a great deal of 
effort. Many wealthy merchants were themselves candi- 
dates for seats, and in Wiltshire "17 strangers are like 
to be chosen, not one of them having a foot of ground in 
that county," 3 while the same complaints were made 
about the pollings at Norwich, Bedwin, Marlborough, and 
other places. 4 

Whatever the influence of religion; however effective 
the money of the Whigs and the violence of the rabble, 
the most frequent complaint was against the chicanery of 

iPortl. MSS., IV. 188; The Bepullican Bullies, p. 5; C. J., XV. 135. 
In Essex, 405 freeholders were made. Coke HISS., III. 61. Robert Pitt 
made one faggot voter at Old Sarum. Fortescue MSS., I. 16. 

2 C. J., XV. 15, 92. 

3 Portl. MSS., IV. 188. 

* C. J., XV. 56; Atterbury, Advice to the Freeholders of England; 
C. Davenant, Balance of Power; Bolingbroke, Letter to Windliam; Oldfield, 
Pari. Hist., I. 377. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 115 

the returning officer, as more than a score of the petitions 
claimed unfair returns or the polling of illegal votes. 
These complaints bring to light the manifold qualifica- 
tions among the borough electorates, which were only 
slightly removed from immemorial custom by the Last 
Determinations Act of 1696. The situation at Leicester 
was exceedingly sordid: six men seem to have voted 
twice ; twenty-eight were either not on the poll books or 
their landlord paid their parish dues ; twenty either lived 
in hospitals, or had their rent paid or received weekly col- 
lections ; eleven were not found in the books, and no one 
in the borough knew of them ; sixty-four were eventually 
disqualified by the committee on' elections because they 
had been made free at the expense of the candidates ; and 
fifty-four " faggot" voters were made freemen at the 
expense of the sitting members. 1 The question of who 
should be permitted to vote was also raised with some 
justice at St. Albans, Norwich, Agmondisham, and 
Hertford. 2 

Despite the part played by religious animosity, bribery, 
and election tricks, the Dissenters were without doubt 
the most important single factor in the election, as they 
had become alarmed at the progress of the Occasional 
Conformity Bill, and its narrow escape from passage. 
With them were joined the Low Churchmen who favored 
a liberal ecclesiastical policy. Evelyn realized that this 
combination was invincible, and such bribery as the 
Tories might have attempted would have borne little fruit 
with this group. 3 

i C. J., XV. 135. The Carte MSS. (CXXV. 94) contain additional in- 
formation about the wholesale treating of the electors in this election. 

2 C. J., XV. 37-56, passim. 

s Evelyn, Diary, III. 408 ; Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28892, f . 276. See 
also Defoe's reports in Portl. MSS., IV. 153, 175; Hearne, I. 49. In his 
Review, Defoe never lost an opportunity to attack the "tackers" as un- 
patriotic, and urged the voters to defeat them. See volume II. Nos. 25-33. 



116 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

The Quakers, too, played a more important part in this 
election than in any since 1701, when Spencer Cowper's 
trial aroused such great interest. Their great leader, 
William Penn, had gained very considerable influence in 
political affairs, after convincing the ministry that there 
were " 40,000 Quaking Freeholders in England." 1 Har- 
ley was Penn's close friend, and, by their united efforts, 
the Quakers joined the rest of the non-conformists, and 
their close co-operation brought victory to the Whigs in 
several places. Dyer's News Letter recounts that at 
11 Brentford several hundred of them polled against 
Smithson and Lake as they have done against the 
Church's interest all England over." 2 

In spite of frequent gains by Dissenters and Low 
Churchmen, the Highfliers labored valiantly and suc- 
ceeded in many places, such as Oxford and Cambridge 
Universities, in returning "tackers," while one member 
for Warwickshire was a "tacker"; 3 but this was so in- 
frequent as to be the cause of considerable comment by 
those who kept track of election results. 

A difficult point to determine with regard to the elec- 
tions of this reign is the part played by the court, and yet 
it is extremely important to know to what extent parlia- 

Lady Marlborough also made war on the Highfliers in her electioneering. 
C. J., XV. 38. See also Ailesbury MSS. (H. M. C), p. 190. 

i Hearne, I. 68. The importance of Penn and the Quakers is to some 
extent indicated by the fact that some weeks after the election, Penn mar- 
ried a Quaker "heiress of £30,000 fortune" to a watchmaker's son in the 
presence of "three Dukes, among them the Duke of Ormond, eight Lords, 
seven foreign envoys, and abundance of other gentry." lb., I. 212. An- 
other William Penn was a candidate at Bramber, but after petitioning 
against "bribery, treating," etc., withdrew his petition. C. J., XV. 13, 56. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 188, 190. They were particularly active in Bucking- 
hamshire and Essex. 

s Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28893, f. 114; Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CCXLIV, 
58; Burnet, V. 223; Portl. MSS., IV. 188-90. In all at least 70 "tackers" 
were chosen. Cf. Defoe's Review, II. No. 31. 






THE ELECTION OF 1705 117 

ment was packed. Cooke believed that the court re- 
mained neutral in 1705, but exactly what he meant is not 
clear from the context. If he referred to Anne 's personal 
activity, he was probably correct in his surmise, although 
he failed to notice that she had made known her feelings 
against the "tackers" and her agents were at no loss 
how to proceed. He probably relied upon Burnet, who 
wrongly stated that "the Court acted with such caution 
and coldness that the Whigs had very little strength given 
them by the ministers in managing elections ; they seemed 
rather to look on indifferent spectators." 1 The bishop 
flatly contradicts himself, because he also noted that the 
queen "spoke to me with relation to the elections. She 
said we saw she trusted to us ; and in particular she spoke 
severely of Mr. Fox," 2 candidate for Salisbury. This 
hint set Burnet energetically to work against Fox, but 
without success. Similar suggestions also impelled the 
Duchess of Marlborough to oppose the "tackers" at St. 
Albans. 3 

In some instances the part played by the court was 
more direct. At Oxford the ministry had the poll put 
off a week, "in which time Godolphin got twenty votes," 
wrote Thomas Carte. "He sent on purpose to the Isle 
of Wight for one vote, and as far as Wales and Cumber- 
land for others. Windsor went to Lincoln for one vote 
and I rode one hundred miles in two days. The Queen 
sent her O/Wn, and my Lord Keeper his chaplain to vote 
against him [Windsor] as did all the London clergy 
also," 4 but in vain. Since the queen took an active in- 

i Burnet, V. 223; Tindal, IV. 183. 

2 Clarke and Foxcroft, Burnet, p. 417. Fox was Paymaster of the Forces 
in Ireland, and was said to be the fiance of Rochester's daughter. 

3 C. J., XV. 38. See House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), VI. xxii; Priv. Cor., 
I. 35. 

* Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CCXLIV. 58; Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28893, 
f. 114. 



118 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

terest in the canvass, the rest of the court might be 
expected to follow her example. "It is well known which 
side the court took," wrote Roger Coke, "which he may 
be morally sure will never encourage tacking of bills nor 
those who adhere to such designs." 1 Besides, Bishop 
Trelawny practically acknowledged that Godolphin and 
he were "to model the elections in our county for the 
next (to make it a court) Parliament." 2 Other important 
political leaders had no doubt of the activity of the minis- 
ters. Before the elections began, Somers accurately fore- 
told the action of the court. 3 Godolphin took a great inter- 
est in the election of his son, Francis, and Harley wrote to 
Sir Humphrey Gower, asking him to use his influence in 
favor of young Godolphin. 4 The lord treasurer was also 
much concerned about the Woodstock election. "This 
battle," he wrote to Harley, "vexed me very much. 
What good will it do to have Lord Marlborough beat the 
French abroad if the French at home must beat him. ' ' 5 

Not only Godolphin then, but Harley, as well, at- 
tempted to influence the elections. One candidate wrote 
to the speaker of his invitation to stand for Hereford 
"and doubted not to carry it if honored with Harley 's 
support"; another courtier promised the speaker to sup- 
port the ministerial candidates at Cheshire, with the 
implied understanding that he was to be rewarded by 
Godolphin. 6 All three candidates were successful. Prob- 

i Coke, III. 208. For other evidence of Anne 's activity, see Clarke and 
Foxcroft, Burnet, p. 419; C. J., XV. 38. 

2 Forth MSS., IV. 102. See also Oldfield, Pari. Hist., I. 376; Coxe, I. 346. 

s Shrewsb. Cor., p. 647. He believed Anne would throw her influence 
against the Tories. See also Eemusat, I. 159. 

4 Portl. MSS., IV. 179. Defoe complained because Godolphin would not 
urge the bishop to set up his son, who could have beaten Seymour at Exeter. 
II., IV. 214. 

5 lb., IV. 180. 

« Portl. MSS., IV. 170, 173; CoTce MSS., III. 61-2. 



THE ELECTION OP 1705 119 

ably the most typical letter to Harley at this time is that 
of Sir Rowland Gwynne, the perennial office seeker, who 
promised everything and accepted anything rather than 
be out of office. 1 It does not appear that Harley took up 
Gwynne 's candidacy, as the latter was not elected for 
Brecon, for which he stood, where Harley 's recommen- 
dation would have been equivalent to an election. The fact 
that Gwynne applied to the ministry at all, would show 
that he thought that the court was interfering in elec- 
tions. 2 Harley 's firmest friend, St. John, was also active. 
Harley had assumed that he was busy with his own 
elections. "I did all I was able to serve the Lord Duke 
in that of Woodstock; my own gave me no trouble," St. 
John reported. "Harcourt's election I could not in- 
fluence, and there is so much merit in being against the 
'tack,' whatever some wise men may think, that Nevil 
was not to be opposed." 3 

The ministry thus appears to have been very active in 
the election, and Harley seems to have been particularly 
energetic. Some Tories bitterly denounced this court 
influence. "We have here, the most alarming proof 
imaginable of the influence of ministers over elections," 
said one Tory writer. "When they would have Tories re- 
turned, we returned Tories ; when they would have Whigs 
returned, we returned Whigs ; so that in fact, the court is 
rather represented than the people. What wonder then, 

i ' ' I have offered my services to the county of Brecon. If I am not 
chosen there perhaps I may be elsewhere, and if I am I will heartily join 
with my Lord Duke, my Lord Treasurer, and you, in whatever measures you 
take to serve her Majesty to the utmost of my power. But if I am not 
chosen, I should be much obliged to you and them, if you will obtain for 
me some employment abroad wherein I may serve her Majesty and live with 
reputation." Portl. MSS., IV. 181. See also it., IV. 175-273, passim. 

2 It is highly improbable that Harley helped Gwynne, as he was looked 
upon as Koehester's representative and Seymour's successor in his "West- 
ern Empire." Portl. MSS., IV. 175. 

3 lb., 180, 269. 



120 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

that supplies are always granted, and that grievances are 
never redressed." 1 The court, indeed, had all the ad- 
vantage in carrying on the elections, as they had in their 
gift the patronage of the crown, as well as a more plenti- 
ful supply of ready money than the Tories. 

More visible influences were at work in the form of 
rioting. The violence employed on both sides seemed 
i 'scandalous," even to the sophisticated Defoe, who was 
horrified at the "infinite briberies, forgeries, perjuries, 
and all manner of debaucheries" of the principles of 
elections, while he stood aghast at "all sorts of violences, 
tumults, riots, and breaches of the peace" and threat- 
ened to publish the "black history of the election to 
C [oven] try," 2 which was probably the most violent in 
1705. A state of civil war existed and civil authority was 
temporarily in abeyance. At times parties of several 
hundred fought furiously in the streets; many were 
"horsed," and when any wished to poll for Bridgman or 
Hopkins their opponents "were ready to eat them." 
All freemen had the right to vote, but this reign of terror 
kept the timid from the polls. Besides, there was no list 
of freemen, no one was sworn at the polls, no books were 
kept, and a scrutiny was impossible. After the election, 
about one hundred and fifty "persons of the Whig party 
were indicted and tried . . . for a riot ... at the elec- 
tions." 3 The case had been brought before the bar of 
the Commons, which declared that there had been a 
"notorious riot and tumult . . . and other illegal prac- 
tices in contempt of the civil authority, and in violation 
of the freedom of elections." 4 

i Other Side, p. 246. 

2 Review, II, preface. See also Minto, Life of Defoe, pp. 63-4. 
3Hearne, I. 28; Portl. MSS., IV. 188, 320; Defoe, Review, II. Nos. 29, 
34, 40; C. J., XV. 22, 276-8. 

* Luttrell, VI. 135. It is interesting to compare Professor Silliman ? s 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 121 

The Chester riots show that conditions at Coventry 
were not so exceptional. "The cry of the whiggish 
rabble at the election for the county of Chester . . . was 
' clown with the Church and the Bishops ' ; and when sixty 
of the clergy headed by the Dean came to poll they said 
Hell was broke loose, and they were the Devil's black- 
guard ; they abused the Bishop, though on account of his 
peaceful temper he did not intermeddle in the election 
and to complete their outrage broke the windows of the 
cathedral and another church. ' n To gain time, the Whigs 
compelled the clergy to take the oaths of allegiance and 
supremacy separately and many of them went away 
without voting. Freemen were created especially for 
this election, as all the candidates received votes far in 
excess of those in 1702. 2 

The Leicester polling was a strenuous affair if we are 
to believe one complainant. "The petitioner brought 
several people in a tumultuous manner with sledge- 
hammers, bars of iron and other instruments, and broke 
down the partition built in court to keep the rabble from 
annoying the magistrates and officers that took the poll 
and when the justices then met commanded them in the 
Queen's name to keep the peace, he ordered them never- 
theless to go on ; which obstructed the poll and occasioned 
great disorders and delays, and brought on the poll to 
nights when by the constable and others, . . . the great- 
est violence imaginable were committed against Mr. 
Winstanley's voters." 3 On polling day Salisbury was a 
pandemonium. "The Bishop [Burnet] and his steward 
were hustled by the clergy and the mob ; his friends were 

account of an election in Coventry just a century later, 1805, when similar 
rioting took place. Silliman 's Journal, I. 114-8. 

i Dyer's News Letter, 29 May, 1705, printed in Portl. MSS., IV. 189. 

2 The Republican Bullies, p. 5. 

3 Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CXXV. 94. 



122 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

maltreated; the Dukes of Bolton and Somerset received 
'strange insults.' ' n At Calne, "a great tumult" oc- 
curred, "to the hindrance of such as would have voted for 
the petitioners." 2 

What with violence, bribery, treating, or appealing to 
the voters to stand against the "tackers," the court was 
able to bring about a working majority in the Commons. 3 
To some extent this was due to the real success of Marl- 
borough, and the doubtful victory of Rooke, because it 
proved that the masses would not refuse to support a 
war which brought victory over Louis XIV. They could 
not forget the glories of Blenheim if they would, and 
could scarcely refrain from attributing disloyalty to 
those Tories who did not openly favor the continuation 
of a war to humble France. On the other hand, the 
Whigs were supported by the financial and commercial 
interests, not alone because of their religious toleration, 
but because they championed the war. 

The significance of this election lies in the great 
activity of Anne and the ministry, the increased employ- 
ment of open corruption and violence, and the influence 
of religious and economic as well as political questions 
in bringing about an overturn of the presumptuous High- 
fliers, who had dared to reflect even upon the queen her- 
self. In one sense, it was a victory for the war party ; in 
another, it was for Anne a personal triumph, although 
the increasing strength of the Whigs in Parliament 
augured ill for her peace of mind in the future. 

The first duty of a newly elected house is to choose a 
speaker. Though usually an easy task, on this occasion 

i Clarke and Foxcroft, Burnet, p. 417. See also A. A. Locke, Seymour 
Family, p. 159. 

2 C. J., XV. 9. 

a See Chamberlen, p. 188; Life of Calamy, II. 34; Annals (1705), pp. 
14-18. 






THE ELECTION OF 1705 123 

it involved one of the bitterest contests for the speaker- 
ship of which we have any account. Harley had served 
three parliaments in that capacity and had made an en- 
viable record. Even after his appointment as secretary 
of state, some thought it perfectly good form for him to 
hold both offices, so he might have secured a re-election 
if he had chosen. With his usual good judgment, how- 
ever, he thought it advisable to decline the office, inasmuch 
as his new duties were heavy and somewhat strange to 
him. 1 

Extraordinary efforts were made at once to get out as 
many men as possible at the opening of the session, for 
the speakership had not yet become non-partisan and the 
selection of speaker gave the successful party a decided 
advantage. The high efficiency of party organization, 
before party " whips" were developed, 2 is shown by the 
attendance of more than 450 of the 513 members who had 
been elected. 3 Such an attendance is perhaps the record 
before the union, as many men elected to parliament 
never attended, a considerable number had died since the 
end of the pollings, and others were prevented from at- 
tending by indisposition or business. An attendance of 
400 was rare indeed, while 450 was very exceptional, and 
faintly indicates how much the choice of speaker aroused 
public interest. 

As soon as it was ascertained that Harley would not 

iPortl. MSS., IV. 215, 248. Holding the speakership and a portfolio 
was not exceptional. Strangely enough, Smith held the chancellorship of 
the exchequer and the speakership for several months in 1708. lb., IT. 193. 
Cf. James, III. 270. 

2Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28052, f. 110; Mackintosh Papers, Add. 
MSS., 34521, ff. 63-4; Bath MSS., I. 78. There was a "meeting of a great 
number of loyal Church Parliament men at the Fountain Tavern ... to 
consider their strength for the choice of Mr. Bromley to be Speaker." 
Hearne, I. 58. See Kent, pp. 93-7. 

3 Evelyn, Diary, III. 408; Tindal, IV. 183; C. J., XV. 5. Cf. Ranke, 
V. 290. 



124 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

be a candidate for the presiding office of the "bear 
garden" (to use his own expression), the court suggested 
Solicitor-General Harcourt as a man who would be satis- 
factory to both the violent and moderate Tories, but the 
Highfliers would not support him. 1 Profiting by their 
non-conciliatory attitude, the ministry made a bid for 
Whig support by nominating John Smith, a moderate 
Whig, as their choice for speaker. The Tories planned 
to support William Bromley, a vehement Highflier and 
the father of the Occasional Conformity Bill. The issue 
was now clearly drawn, as such a choice ended all hopes 
of accommodation between the ministry and the Tories, 
for the ensuing contest was a decisive test of strength 
between the court and Whigs on one side and the High 
Church Tories on the other. 2 Both jockeyed for position ; 
both anxiously awaited the first meeting of parliament. 
No one on either side was more active or effective in this 
fight than Harley, who was able to conciliate a consider- 
able number of moderate Tories and win their votes for 
Smith. Moreover, the queen in person interfered by 
writing to Lady Bathurst to persuade her son to vote for 
Mr. Smith. 3 Each side seemed supremely confident 4 and 
talked with equal virulence, if not with equal eloquence. 
For an hour and a half they wrangled, their arguments 

i W. Coxe, Memoirs of Robert Walpole, II. 6; Hearne, I. 51. 

zPortl. MSS., IV. 215; Burnet, V. 228; A. I. Dasent, Speakers of House, 
p. 240. At first the Whigs laughed at Bromley's nomination. Hearne, I. 58. 
Cf. Annals (1705), p. 180. Vernon considered it a crisis in state affairs. 
James, III. 270. 

3 Strickland, XII. 122; Coke, III. 64. Godolphin and Harley were in 
close co-operation. Bath MSS., I. 78. In 1692, Bromley had printed a book 
of travels, in which he expressed violent Jacobite sympathies. Harley re- 
printed it now and it aided materially in defeating its author. Burnet, 
V. 229. 

* Coxe Papers, XVII. 197. Bromley's supporters claimed 250, but Craggs 
felt certain of only ' ' 200 at the most . . . , if those in the Queen 's service 
be firm to Mr. Smith." Add. MSS., 4743, f. 44. The ministry was even 
less confident. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 125 

getting more and more heated as the minutes progressed. 
' ' No affair of this sort had ever been carried with such 
heat on both sides," 1 but at last, to the relief of all, the 
vote was taken and Smith won, 248 to 205. 

The result 2 was a victory for the ministry and the 
queen, indicating also the great influence the court played 
in deciding close political contests. It definitely settled 
the fate of the ' Hackers," who had opposed the wishes of 
Anne and her ministers, while it marks the beginnings of 
Whig influence with the queen, an influence which was 
gradually to increase until their own sense of self- 
security brought disaster. Both in the defeat of the 
"tack" and in Smith's election, the Whigs saved Anne 
and the ministry from a bad fall, and like all politicians, 
they soon demanded their price. Their importunities 
gradually caused changes in the ministry, which grew 
increasingly Whiggish, as the ministerial leaders and the 
junto were drawn closer together. 

After the queen had gone through the formality of 
accepting the new speaker, to whom she later presented 
a "purse of 1,000 guineas as a token of her satisfaction 
of his choice," 3 she delivered her address to both houses, 
calling upon them to support the war vigorously, and 
bring about a union with Scotland. Though making the 
usual appeal for public support, Anne displayed real 
spirit when she spoke of the "tackers." "There are 
some amongst us, who endeavour to foment animosities," 
she complained, "but I persuade myself, they will be 
found very few, when you appear to assist me in dis- 
countenancing and defeating such practices . . . we may 
be certain, that they, who go about to insinuate such 

i Tindal, IV. 183-4. See also Hearne, I. 59-72, passim. 

2 Twelfth Eeport (H. M. C), V. 183; Godolphin-Osborne Papers, Add. 
MSS., 28041, f. 6. 

3 Hearne, I. 61. 



126 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

things of this nature, must be mine and the kingdom's 
enemies, and can only mean to cover designs, which they 
dare not publicly own." 1 Such expressions display her 
resentment against those who had scorned her preroga- 
tive and injured her pride. The bitterness she felt 
against the men who had dared intimate that the church 
was in danger under her rule, she skilfully turned against 
them by branding them as disloyal. In this way she 
gained popular support for the things she wished to do, 
since the influence of Anne's speeches upon the country 
must have been, considerable. 2 

Anne's speech was but a part of the ministerial pro- 
gram of carrying the fight to the Tories. The selection 
of a speaker having shown them how slender was their 
majority, they began at once to increase it by deciding 
controverted elections. For obvious reasons, the number 
of disputed returns was greater than usual, and petitions 
involving the right to at least sixty-five seats were pre- 
sented during this parliament. 3 The choice of a suitable 
chairman for the committee on elections was of super- 
lative importance to both parties, but after a hard 
struggle, the ministry prevailed 4 by the slender majority 
of sixteen, and proceeded immediately to the trial of 
election petitions. 

The St. Albans case probably aroused the greatest in- 
terest. "On Wednesday we sat up till three in the morn- 
ing upon the St. Albans election, ' ' wrote Harley to Marl- 
borough, "and this night I suppose we'll finish it about 
the same hour." Eventually it was decided in favor of 

i Py. Hist., VI. 452 ; Coke, III. 276. Anne tactfully assumed that the 
large attendance was due to their great respect for her. 

2 Defoe 's Challenge of Peace emphasizes the fact that the whole nation 
was ' ' particularly attentive ' ' to what she said. 

3 C. J., XV. 8-526, passim. Seventeen were to be heard before Christmas. 
See Luttrell, V. 607-9; Defoe, Legion's Humble Address. 

* Hearne, I. 70. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 127 

the Duchess of Marlborough's candidate. 1 The Hertford 
election also went in favor of the court by a majority of 
two, 2 although not all the double returns were decided in 
that way. The case of Leicester "was referred to a com- 
mittee who resolved that Winstanley . . . was not duly 
elected, for which there was a thanksgiving in all the 
Conventicles in and about Leycester; but it being pro- 
posed to the whole house, a majority dissented from the 
said resolution . . . and declared Mr. Winstanley duly 
elected to the great mortification of the Presbyterians 
and the friends of the knavish and rebellious crew." 3 
The Coventry election was set aside on account of mani- 
fest violence. From the Bedwin depositions it is clear 
that £5 was a customary bribe and a £10 proffer unusual, 
and that tenders of money were accepted as a matter of 
course by a large proportion of the borough electorate. 4 
When an election was declared void, or a candidate 
died, or a member was elected by two or more constitu- 
encies, a by-election was necessary, and their number was 
by no means negligible, as during the parliament fifty- 
six seats were vacated. 5 Consequently, both parties paid 
scrupulous attention to these by-elections. One of the 
most interesting of them was that at Marlborough where 
Lord Bruce spent a large sum to elect his candidate, but 

i Coxe Papers, XVII. 213; Add. MSS., 4743, f. 49; Hearne, I. 81, 87, 99. 
The first reference gives the vote 198 to 126, but the Commons Journal 
(XV. 39.) gives 199 to 142. Much foul practice characterized the activities 
of both Whigs and Tories, but no adequate proof could be adduced against 
Lady Marlborough. See Forth MSS., IV. 273. 

2 Cowper's Diary, p. 18; C. J., XV. 55. The vote was 199 to 197. 

3 Hearne, I. 182. See also C. J., XV. 137; Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CXXV. 
94; Luttrell, VI. 11, 14. 

*Ailesbury MSS. (H. M. C), pp. 190-5. See also Portl. MSS., IV. 
199-269. 

5 Of these by-elections, 43 were due to deaths, 8 to candidates ' choosing 
to serve another constituency, 3 to promotions to the peerage, 2 because the 
candidate had accepted a position of honor and profit from the queen. 
C. J., XV. 26-616, passim. 



128 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

without success, although he was able to gain for him 
the seat at Bedwin made vacant by Sir George Byng. 1 
The Chippenham election was attended with so much 
violence as to arouse the indignation of Bishop Burnet. 2 
As long as the composition of the House of Commons 
remained undecided, it was impolitic to make further 
changes in the ministry, but immediately the elections 
were over, certain alterations were set on foot, which 
affected the zealous High Churchmen first of all. Roch- 
ester, Seymour, Nottingham, and Jersey had been dis- 
missed before the elections. Even Buckingham, of whom 
Anne was formerly so considerate, had been put aside 
before the canvass was over. In spite of these changes, 
the ministry was not as united as its important members 
desired, and the Highfliers were thoroughly alarmed lest 
the ministry should become thoroughly Whig on account 
of the queen's resentment against them. 3 The minis- 
terial policy, however, was to change the personnel of the 
cabinet council slowly in favor of moderation, and the 
next important official upon whom the wrath of the queen 
and her advisers fell was Sir Nathan Wright, the lord 
keeper, whose only merit for the position had been his 
devout High Church attitude. He was notoriously in- 
efficient, probably corrupt, and the laughing-stock of both 
parties, 4 but his religiosity appealed to the queen, who 
w T as unwilling to dismiss on slight grounds any minister 

i Ailesbury MSS. (H. M. C), pp. 195-6; Py. Hist., VI. 445. 

2 H. C. Foxcroft, Supplement to Burnet, p. 513. 

3 A year earlier, Dr. Davenant, the pamphleteer, learned ' ' that the 
struggle now is, not whether the Whigs have any weight and credit, but 
whether they have all or no." Add. MSS., 4743, f. 154. Defoe said that 
the ministry was termed Whig by 1705. Conduct of Parties, p. 8. Indeed, 
there was some question at the time whether Anne might not attempt a 
dissolution to secure a Whig parliament. J. Ilervey, Letter Books, I. 199; 
Portl. MSS., IV. 84. Cf. Oldmixon, III. 330. 

4 Wright became very rich while in office. Burnet, V. 225. See also the 
House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), VI. xvii, 260-1; Hearne, I. 53-6. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 129 

who had come into office during her reign. The Duchess 
of Marlborough claimed some credit for this dismissal, 
but Harley's subtle suggestions, coupled with Cowper's 
ability, made it easier for Anne to consent to his appoint- 
ment as lord keeper a fortnight before parliament met. 1 

Thus the Whigs gained another strong, but moderate 
member of the ministry. A third Whig, the Earl of Kent, 
was already in the council, but the junto were still dis- 
satisfied. Indeed, they wished one of their own number 
among the queen's advisers, and had urged upon Marl- 
borough the claims of Sunderland at the time of Notting- 
ham's dismissal, eighteen months before. Even though 
the Whigs set forth Sunderland's merits, which the 
duchess had voiced so often and so long, the duke realized 
that his son-in-law could not then fill a place in the cabi- 
net. To Marlborough, Harley's presence in the ministry 
was imperative, since he alone excelled in the arts of 
political manipulation, by which majorities were main- 
tained. 2 Another reason why Sunderland did not find a 
place in Anne's councils arose from her unconquerable 
aversion to him, so he was passed over in favor of Harley. 

The junto kept urging Sunderland's cause in season 
and out of season. Marlborough still held out against 
them, as well as the duchess, but when he gave in, Anne 
remained immovable as ever. After many importunities, 
she did agree to send him on a foreign mission. Godol- 
phin insisting upon the Whig demands, she promised him 
any good place that did not involve close personal rela- 

i Wharton MSS. (Bodl.), IV. 27-8; Bath MSS., I. 64; Macaulay, p. 2935; 
Priv. Cor., I. 8. Cowper 's appointment was one of the most important 
changes in the ministry. 

2 Wyon suggests (I. 380) that the duchess wanted Seymour's position as 
comptroller of the household for Sunderland; apparently he is wrong, as 
the plan was to make the earl leading secretary, or at least second to Harley. 
After Harley's appointment, it was reported that Anne had dismissed 
Secretary Hedges. Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, ff. 316, 386. 



130 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

tions with the sovereign. The junto indignantly rejected 
this offer and the lord treasurer told Anne he must resign 
unless she yielded. Still she remained obdurate, and it 
took all of Marlborough's infinite patience and prestige, 
together with certain assurances given by Godolphin, to 
secure Sunderland's appointment as secretary of state. 
By this time experience had proved that the moderate 
administration lacked cohesion, and within a few months, 
other religious zealots were laid aside. Of the appointive 
members of the Board of Trade, Weymouth resigned, 
and three others were removed, including Matthew Prior, 
John Pollexfen, 1 and William Blathwayt — probably its 
most active member. They were succeeded by the Earl 
of Stamford, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, Robert Monck- 
ton (a friend of Harley), and John Pulteney. Lord 
Derby succeeded Lord Gower as chancellor for the Duchy 
of Lancaster. 2 Solicitor-General Harcourt was the lead- 
ing lawyer among the Tories, but withal a moderate. 
Anne was willing that he should become speaker, but that 
project having failed, he was promoted to attorney- 
general, displacing Sir Edward Northey. Sir James 
Montagu, a brother of Halifax, became solicitor-general, 
and Spencer Compton succeeded Edward Nicholas as 
"Treasurer and Receiver-General to Prince George of 
Denmark, and Paymaster to her Majesty's pensioners." 
Numerous promotions were made in the army, and also 
in the church. Cowper's merit soon brought him the 
office of lord chancellor; Abingdon gave way to George 
Churchill as lord lieutenant of the Tower, and Sir George 
Rooke was dismissed from the Privy Council. 3 

i Annals (1707), p. 288; Anglice Notitia (1704), p. 636; Luttrell, VI. 112. 

2 Luttrell, VI. 46, 53, 163. It was said that Somers would replace Or- 
mond as lord lieutenant of Ireland. Hearne, I. 56. See also Bath MSS., 
I. 96; Forth MSS., IV. 272. 

3 P. C. Keg., LXXXI. 359; Priv. Cor., I. 8; Leadam, p. 124; Hearne, 
I. 51. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 131 

The Whigs were equally favored in promotions in the 
peerage, by which they sought to minimize the influence of 
earlier Tory creations. During the years 1705 and 1706, 
ten peers were promoted, and one eldest son called to 
the Lords. Three influential politicians, Godolphin, 
Cowper, and Sir Thomas Pelham, were created peers. 
Among the promotions were Argyle, Kent, Montagu, 
Wharton, Bedford, and Poulett, 1 whose presence in the 
upper house strengthened the queen and her ministers in 
their control of that chamber. 

To what extent these offices and promotions were 
rewards for services performed or expected, it is difficult 
to conjecture. That they were so in no inconsiderable 
degree is attested by Shrewsbury's again refusing to join 
the ministry even at Marlborough's earnest solicitation, 
although he was willing to give the duke his proxy, 2 for 
he knew that joining the ministry meant voting in accord- 
ance with the wishes of the queen and her ministers, 
which he was then unwilling to do. After the failure of 
the "tack," Godolphin wrote: "I shall never think any 
man fit to continue in his employment who gave his vote 
for the 'tack,' " 3 "Mr. Wright, Recorder of the city of 
Oxford is out of favour ... at Court," wrote Hearne, 
"because he did not appear for Mr. Carter last election." 4 
Sir Thomas Hanmer voiced a similar resentment by say- 
ing that "when he saw some men turned out of their 
places for not voting as they were bid, he could not help 

i Sloane MSS. (B. M.), 3065, f. 72; Luttrell, VI. 113; Annals (1706), 
p. 397. 

2 Shrewsb. Cor., pp. 658, 661. See also Portl. MSS., IV. 296. 

3 Leadam, p. 66. Godolphin complained earlier that the government 
would go to pieces, ' ' with no friends to support it, but some few in places. ' ' 
Portl. MSS., IV. 74. 

4 Hearne, I. 160. Colonel Dobyn encountered difficulties because he op- 
posed the ministerial candidates at St. Albans. lb., I. 122; Portl. 3ISS., 
IV. 116. 



132 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

thinking that others were kept in because they had voted 
as they were bid." 1 The presence of the same influence 
is shown by Argyle's letter to Somers, complaining 
bitterly that some of the court had voted against the min- 
istry, and he wished them dismissed, though one of his 
relatives was among the number. Other Whigs agreed 
that such courtiers should be turned out, but only after 
the close of parliament. 2 The real feelings of contempo- 
raries is more effectually presented in the pamphlet, 
Faults on Both Sides, which laments that the court is 
acquiring "a new sort of power ... by giving . . . 
honours, profitable places, and pensions." 3 

Although many replies were made to this tract, not one 
really attempts to answer this criticism of the ministry. 
An analysis of the votes for speaker shows that only 
fifteen or sixteen of the queen's servants voted for Brom- 
ley. Among these was George Clarke, secretary to the 
prince and second secretary to the board of admiralty, 
who two days later found himself without a position. 4 
The ministry knew that the choice of a speaker depended 
entirely upon the way the office holders voted, so all the 
power of the ministers was used in convincing them that 
John Smith was the only man for whom they could vote 
with safety. When the election was over, Davenant 
wrote Harley's henchman, Erasmus Lewis, "there were 
only five persons in civil employments, who divided 
against Mr. Smith, viz: Lord Cheney, Sir John Bland, 

i Hearne, I. 134-5. Coxe in the Coxe Papers (VI. 132) suggests the 
same thing. 

zHardwicke State Papers, II. 465-6. Cf. Other Side, p. 261. 

s See Defoe, Freeholder's Plea; Swift, A New Way of Selling Places at 
Court; Py. Hist., XIII. 90; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), V. 559; Lecky, 
I. 435. 

iPortl. MSS., IV. 268. One "of these that voted for Mr. Bromley is 
G. Clarke for which he is turned out of his places, and this is what all must 
expect that vote honestly and conscientiously. ' ' Hearne, I. 60. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 133 

Mr. Morley, Mr. Comers, the Equerry, and Mr. 
Clark." 1 

The geographical distribution of the "queen's ser- 
vants" also indicates the existence of a definite relation 
between government offices and voting. A contemporary 
said that they numbered one hundred and twenty-six, of 
whom seventeen represented Cornish boroughs ; fourteen 
hailed from the towns of Hampshire ; whereas the Cinque 
Ports and Wilts were represented by six each. It seems 
that the area of rotten boroughs was as much over- 
represented in preferments as in parliament, since 
Buckinghamshire and Yorkshire had but five each of 
these placemen, and Wales only three, including Harley 
and Mansell. 2 

It becomes apparent, then, that the queen and her min- 
isters made extensive use of their appointive power to 
gain the support of members of parliament, and that once 
these representatives of the people accepted an office of 
honor or profit under the crown, they became the agents 
of the ministry, and were expected to support the court 
in every measure of importance. Upon their failure to 
do so, they might be, and usually were, summarily dis- 
missed. Furthermore, the patronage was used not only 
to influence the stand of politicians during the progress 
of elections, but also as a means to attract rising talent 
into the ranks of the party, by furnishing them a means 
of livelihood so that they might devote their whole atten- 
tion to politics. 

If it were not the custom to reward faithful political 

i Add. MSS., 4743, f. 44; Coxe Papers, XVII. 197, XLV. 147. Appar- 
ently the names are given, that official attention may be visited upon them. 
The equerry no longer held his place in 1708. Anglice Notitia (1708), p. 
617. Two of Prince George's grooms of the bedchamber were dismissed 
partly on account of their political activity. Samuel Masham succeeded 
one of them. Marlb. MSS., 53. See also Priv. Cor., II. 269. 

2 A List of Gentlemen that are in Offices, Employments, etc. 



134 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

servants by preferments and peerages, it would be diffi- 
cult to account for the opposition which developed against 
the bill which required any member of parliament accept- 
ing an office under the crown to vacate his seat in the 
Commons, because, after resigning, the fortunate man 
might appeal to his constituents for re-election. More- 
over, it was not the politicians alone who objected so 
strenuously to such a law, because the queen herself 
asked her friends to vote against it. 1 She realized that 
it would limit her power over members of the House of 
Commons, as many who accepted office under the crown 
would be replaced in parliament by more independent 
men, who would oppose, rather than favor, ministerial 
measures. 

The cry against such abuses of the patronage had been 
rife since the increase of the power of parliament after 
the Revolution. The feeling was widespread that the 
sovereign should be prevented from keeping the same 
parliament indefinitely. The Mutiny Bill and the finan- 
cial necessities of the crown made frequent sessions 
imperative, but once the king had secured a House of 
Commons to his liking, he might retain its services in- 
definitely by such corrupt means as he chose. During 
William's reign, strenuous endeavors had been made on 
several occasions to make the members of parliament 
more representative of the constituencies and less sub- 
ject to court influence, but except for the Triennial Act, 
all such efforts were fruitless and corruption increased 
apace during the early years of the next reign. Anne, 
however, saw fully as much need for retaining her politi- 
cal influence as had William, but the reform movement 
was stronger. That part of the Act of Settlement dis- 
qualifying those who had "an office or place of profit 
under the king," had been repealed before it could go 

i Anne twice requested Dr. Sharp to oppose the bill. Sharp, I. 299. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 135 

into effect, 1 and thus the way was cleared for passing 
some law incapacitating the host of placemen who sat in 
the Commons, or at least, making it more difficult for 
them to secure seats. 

As early as 1702, people were saying that the High- 
fliers planned to strike at the power of the Whigs by re- 
quiring a large income from land as a qualification for 
sitting in parliament. 2 "Within a short time, the matter 
was well under way, but gradually disappeared from 
notice, 3 while the two houses quarreled over other ques- 
tions. Two years later, the Tories in the lower house 
passed a bill excluding from the Commons all persons 
holding any office created since February, 1684, or that 
would be provided for in the future. The Lords amended 
it, and the bill was lost because the Commons refused to 
consent to the changes. Then the Tories introduced 
another bill excluding from parliament those who re- 
ceived any income from the public taxes, but that failed 
even in the lower house. 4 

Keform could not long be delayed. These abortive 
bills and the repeal of the "revolutionary exclusion" 
clause of the Act of Settlement brought about the passage 
of an act two years later, which incapacitated three gen- 
eral classes from becoming members of parliament : those 
accepting any office created since October, 1705; those 
holding pensions from the crown during pleasure; cer- 
tain specified officials, such as colonial governors, com- 
missioners of prizes, etc. Any member of parliament 
accepting an office of profit under the crown must resign 

i Anson, The Law and Custom of the Constitution (4th ed.), I. 83. 

2 House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), V. 200-1; L. J., XVII. 277, 300; Eijka 
Arehief, 26^ Jan. 3, 1703; C. J., XIV. 277. 

3 S. P. Dom., Anne, II. 29. See also Porritt, Unreformed House of 
Commons, I. 206. 

4 Chamberlen, p. 186; Luttrell, V. 508-18, passim. 



136 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAKTIES 

his seat, but he might stand for re-election. 1 The Whig 
leaders opposed the measure because it would exclude 
traders and contractors from the Commons and lessen 
the influence of the commercial classes upon whom they 
depended for financial support inside and outside of 
parliament. 2 One strong opponent of the bill hoped that 
Anne might veto it if it passed, while Godolphin was 
using all his influence against it because he did not wish 
the Tories to obtain such an advantage. 3 

It is clear, therefore, that courtiers were required to 
support the queen's measures as set forth by her minis- 
ters. For minor appointments Anne was not always 
responsible. In any important change, however, she was 
consulted, although she had no desire to have her name 
mentioned in the matter. In most instances both Godol- 
phin and Marlborough found her mind made up, and they 
soon became aware that Harley could more easily gain 
her to their wishes than any other man at court. 4 St. 
John testified that in granting commissions in his depart- 
ment, Anne frequently gave the directions herself, a plan 
which was also employed before he came to the War 
Office, 5 and was probably in use in other departments. 
If so, it shows that the queen was to some degree indi- 
vidually responsible for a large number of appointments, 
and candidates personally obnoxious to her had difficulty 
in securing important places, even when political expe- 
diency suggested their appointment. 

Early in the reign, Anne forbade her courtiers to traffic 

i 6 Anne, c. 41. See also Anson, op. cit., I. 83, and 4 & 5 Anne, c. 20. 

2 S. P. Dom., Anne, II. 29 A ; Cowper, Diary, pp. 11-2. 

sCowper, Diary, p. 10; Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, f. 
280. See also Chamberlen, p. 307. 

* A letter from Godolphin to Harley contains some indications of this 
as early as May, 1702. Portl. MSS., IV. 39. 

5 lb., 219. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 137 

in court places under penalty of her displeasure. 1 Some- 
what later, she refused to sign the commission of one 
"D'Offarell," as major general, because she wished more 
information about the case. 2 Cowper soon noted that at 
cabinet council meetings she took a particular interest 
in all appointments. On one occasion she selected an 
English judge and a chief baron for Ireland ; on another, 
she was asked to sanction the appointment of two deputy 
lieutenants of the Tower. 3 Indeed, her steady insistence 
upon having her way must have been trying to the party 
leaders. 

Three motives prompted Anne's actions. It pleased 
her vanity ; it kept her closely in touch with state affairs ; 
last, but not least, it gave her an opportunity to reward 
her friends and punish her enemies. Such premiums 
upon compliance with the wishes of the queen and her 
ministers, and penalties upon obstinate refusals, had 
much influence in carrying out ministerial policies. Her 
attitude in the entire matter is manifest in her conduct 
towards the Pretender and the Hanoverians. 

In her struggle against James II and later against 
William III, she had, as princess, been supported by the 
Marlboroughs. With the death of her father and her 
own accession, it might be expected that her attitude 
toward the Pretender would be influenced by the Duchess 
of Marlborough. In consequence, her position was most 
embarrassing. The Pretender was her brother, and by 
hereditary right the throne belonged to him. Yet he was 
being reared as a Catholic,* and his followers were in 

i Luttrell, V. 193. 

2 Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28892, f. 357. 

3 Strickland, XII. 125-34; S. P. Dom., Anne, VIII. 22. Once she ordered 
Cowper to bring the roll of the sheriffs to the council meeting. See his 
Diary, pp. 5-25, passim. Later she wrote that two officials who "had done 
wrong in Parliament" must be removed. Marlb. MSS., p. 53. 

* Anne 's opposition to his Catholicism is unquestioned. See Thomas, pp. 



138 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

spirit traitors to the crown. 1 On the other hand, she was 
the sovereign through an act of parliament, which had 
guaranteed the succession. Just before her accession, 
she wrote Lady Marlborough: "I am not apt to believe 
all the reports one hears, so I cannot give in to the opinion 
that there are many Jacobites in England but I'm as 
well satisfied as you can be that those that are so are as 
much enemies as the Papists, and I am very sensible 
these people will always have designs against me; for 
as long as the young man [Pretender] in France lives 
(which by the course of nature will be longer than me) 
nobody can doubt but there will be plots against my 
crown and life; you may be sure I'll take as much care 
of both as I can, and I should be very glad to know what 
care [you] . . . would have me take of myself and . . . 
would have me do." Of these lines, the duchess wrote, 
"It is plain she does not intend to put herself in the hands 
of the Jacobites, and I never could observe that she had 
any scruples about wearing the crown, nor any inclination 
towards those that were in that interest, if she believed 
them so, tho' she always loved the Tories, because she 
believed they would be for her against her brother, and 
I believe to the last that Mrs. Masham's ministers never 
ventured further . . . than to persuade her that it was 
best for the Protestant religion for him to come after 
her death." 2 Later, Anne acknowledged "that she was 
not sure the Prince of Wales was her brother, and that 
it was not practicable for him to come here without ruin 
to religion and the country." 3 Her independence is 
plainly indicated, and the duchess recognized that here, 

85, 91; Remusat, I. 286; Stoughton, 'Religion in England, p. 6. See her 
speech before parliament at its dissolution in 3 702; Py. Hist., VI. 25. 

i Coxe Papers, XV. 76. See Marlb. MSS., p. 53. 

2 Marlb. MSS., p. 52. 

s From Blenheim Papers, printed in Reid, p. 107. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 139 

at least, was a question which even Anne's most intimate 
friends dared not raise with impunity. 

The case was the same with reference to her legal suc- 
cessors. It was unfortunate that she disliked all the 
members of the Hanoverian family. It is even pathetic 
that she, like her Tudor prototype, should feel such 
repugnance even at the mention of her successor's name, 
while her soul revolted at the very idea of bringing him 
to England. But her convictions were absolutely fixed. 
"But those of the Whigs . . . little knew how imprac- 
ticable the project of [the] invitation was, and that the 
attempt would have only served to make the Queen dis- 
card her ministry, to the ruin of the common cause of 
these kingdoms and of all Europe." So wrote the 
duchess, and added, "I have often tried her Majesty 
upon this subject; and when I found that she would not 
hear of the successor's coming over, had pressed her 
that she would at least invite hither the young Prince 
of Hanover who was not to be her immediate successor, 
and that she would let him live here as her son, but her 
Majesty would listen to no proposal of this kind in any 
shape whatsoever." 1 

Had Anne consented to this wise suggestion, she would 
have saved herself as well as her statesmen endless 
worry, for as long as she failed to come out enthusiasti- 
cally for the Electress Sophia and her descendants, she 
encouraged the faction at St. Germain and the Jacobites 
in believing that she was willing to have her half brother 
succeed her. Moreover, it misled the French, who felt 
that Anne's tenderness for the Chevalier might lead her 
at any time to make peace. 2 Such a fear certainly lay in 

i Conduct, p. 150; Coxe Papers, XXIII. 397. Miss Strickland says that 
Sarah poisoned Anne's mind against the Electress Sophia, but fails to cite 
any evidence. Queens, XII. 120, 131-2. 

2 Louis XIV and his ambassadors failed to understand Anne 's feelings, 



140 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAKTIES 

the minds of some of the Dutch statesmen, and caused 
even the better informed English ministers no little dis- 
quietude, as they were unable to complete arrangements 
for carrying out the Act of Settlement or take any pre- 
cautions against a revolutionary uprising at Anne's 
death for several years after her accession. Further- 
more, it gave disgruntled Highfliers an unexampled op- 
portunity of annoying the queen and her advisers, because 
she was obsessed with the idea that by some trick, one 
of the political parties would get an address through one 
or both houses to invite over the Protestant heir, or that 
uninvited, Sophia or one of her grandchildren would, by 
the connivance of some influential Whig or Tory, come 
to London. 

English political intrigues had reached Hanover and 
disturbed their quiet, dividing the court into two factions. 
Sophia was perhaps slightly Tory in her sympathies, 
although she tried to keep the balance even between the 
disturbers. Her son, the elector, was openly Whig, and 
Anne had for him a "great aversion." 1 The queen's 
alarm was not diminished by a letter from the aged but 
still charming electress, who was somewhat at odds with 
the elector. Having been repeatedly solicited by some 
officious personages 2 to come to England, Sophia took full 
cognizance of their communications, and wrote to Anne, 
"that the message came from such as were enemies to 

as they were ready to guarantee the security of her throne, if she should 
take measures to have the Prince of Wales succeed her. Portl. MSS., IV. 
259; Klopp (X. 6) believed that Anne grew nearer to the Pretender after 
Prince George 's death. 

i Seward's Anecdotes, II. 294, quoted from Toland's Travels in Prussia 
(1703); Macpherson, II. 178-9; Marlb. MSS., p. 52. 

2 Notably Rochester, Gwynne, Hutton, Edward Howe, and Scott. For the 
diplomatic aspects of this perplexing question, see Mackintosh Papers, Add. 
MSS., 34521, f. 61, passim; S. P. For., German States, CLXII. passim; 
Hanoverian Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, passim; Coxe Papers, XIX. 
163-4, 171; XXIII. 152, 197; Sharp, I. 271-2. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 141 

her family. That she would never hearken to such a 
proposal, but when it came from the Queen . . . her- 
self." 1 

The plain implication was that the electress expected 
an invitation from the queen. Instead of reassuring 
Anne that she had nothing to fear from the Hanoverian 
family, this message increased her apprehensions, show- 
ing her to what ends the disaffected in England were 
likely to go in embarrassing her. Her fears were not 
groundless. Two days after Sophia's letter was read 
before _the council, Anne wrote in haste to Marlborough: 
"The disagreeable proposal of bringing some of the 
House of Hanover into England (which I have been 
afraid of so long) is now very near being brought into 
both Houses of Parliament, which gives me a great deal 
of uneasiness, for I am of a temper always to fear the 
worst. There has been assurances given that Mr. Shutes 
[the Hanoverian envoy] should have instructions to dis- 
courage the proposition, but as yet, he has said nothing 
of them, which makes me fear there may be some altera- 
tion in their resolution in the Court of Hanover. I shall 
depend upon your friendship and kindness to set them 
right in notions of things here, and if they will be quiet, 
I may do so, too, or else I must expect to meet with a 
great many mortifications." 2 

The zealous High Churchmen, disgruntled by their 
defeat on the Occasional Conformity Bill and the "tack," 
sought revenge by taking up the question of the succes- 
sion. They knew that the Whigs were anxious to have 
the electress or one of her descendants in England, as a 
guarantee against the Pretender, an arrangement to 
which Anne would never consent. The Tories felt, 

i Cowper, Diary, 11 November, 1705; Manchester, Court and Society, 
II. 214. 

2 Marlb. MSS., p. 52. 



142 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

therefore, that if they raised this question, the Whigs 
would be in a dilemma. If the- Whigs favored the meas- 
ure, they would certainly alienate Anne ; if they opposed 
it, they would lose support in Hanover. 1 Naturally 
enough, the Tories hoped to discredit their adversaries 
and gain the ear of the queen. As early as 1704, Roch- 
ester had suggested such a maneuver, but it was not 
until the following year that Haversham moved in the 
Lords that the electress should be invited over as the 
heir apparent. The issue was now clear and the Whigs 
must get out of the difficulty as best they could, because 
such leading Tories as Buckingham, Rochester, Notting- 
ham — all of them until recently Anne's favorites — were 
certain to give the resolution their enthusiastic support. 2 

Although Anne might consider as a personal affront 
the actions of those statesmen who had so recently voted 
for Bromley as speaker, she was affected in a still more 
vital way by the problem of the succession, which had 
both personal and religious aspects that came very close 
to her heart. Already the Tories had touched her to the 
quick when they had insinuated that the church was in 
danger, and she paid her compliments to them imme- 
diately afterwards. 

The Tories thus learned how easy it was to annoy her, 
and shortly after the session opened, the disgruntled 
"tackers" continued their assault upon the ministry. 
The Whigs were worried, as was the queen. The latter 
conceived that her attendance upon the debates might 
mitigate the rancor of the speakers, so she was present 
incognito in the Lords during the discussion. 3 Her 

i Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34521, ff. 43-4; Macpherson, I. 690. 

2 Sharp, I. 307-8; House of Lords MSS., VI. (n. s.), xxii.-xxiv.; 
Hearne, I. 82, 90; Memoirs of Halifax, pp. 132-6; Annals (1705), p. 195; 
Bagot MSS. (H. M. C), p. 341; Marlborough himself thought of inviting 
over the electoral prince, it seems. Portl. MSS., IV. 490. 

3 Burnet, V. 182; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), VI. ii. 






THE ELECTION OF 1705 143 

presence may have calmed somewhat the more audacious 
debaters, though Haversham, the most voluble of the high 
Tories, and Buckingham spoke in a brutal fashion, insist- 
ing that there was no real guarantee for the Protestant 
succession, if the Pretender could reach England in three 
days, while it took a Hanoverian as many weeks. Buck- 
ingham even insinuated that Anne might survive her 
faculties and "be like a child in the hands of others." 1 
These hot-headed Tories did not reckon on the Stuart 
queen's spirit, which had become thoroughly aroused. 
She had already begun to rally around her some stanch 
and influential supporters. Not only had she called upon 
Marlborough, but the Archbishop of York as well. "A 
message had been sent by the Queen," he wrote in his 
diary, "to order me to wait on her at five o'clock . . . 
her business was to tell me that she had heard that a 
motion would be made in our house to send for the 
Princess of Hanover, in .pursuance of what my Lord 
Rochester had threatened in a speech the last Parliament, 
and to persuade me to use my interest with my friends 
not to come into the motion." Nor did she let him go 
until he had given his promise to oppose the plan, which 
was "nothing but a pique to her Majesty." At her re- 
quest, the archbishop called upon Rochester to induce 
him to abandon the obnoxious motion, but he refused, 
insisting that the motion was reasonable, if, he added 
significantly, "we really meant that the House of Hanover 
should succeed after the Queen's death." Sharp did his 
best to check the plans of the Highfliers, but a few days 
later, Anne sent for him again, because "she had heard 
the business of the heir of Hanover would be moved in 
both houses and therefore she desired me to take occa- 
sion ... to tell everybody my sense of it. ' ' 2 

ipy. Hist., VI. 457-68; Conduct, 160. 
2 Sharp, I. 308-9. 



144 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

All Anne 's efforts to keep the motion out of parliament 
were fruitless. Yet she had given warning, and her 
friends hurried to her support. In addition, two members 
of the junto, Somers and Halifax, opposed the motion 
with all their eloquence, 1 which was sufficient, when 
coupled with Whig votes, to overwhelm both Nottingham 
and Rochester, who insisted that the succession could 
never be safe so long as the heir apparent lived outside 
the realm. Despite Lady Marlborough's pessimism, the 
ministry was able to defeat the project, and, aided by 
independent Whigs and moderate Tories, 2 even went 
further in vindicating the queen. 

The ministry, aided by the junto, decided to brave the 
wrath of the Hanoverian heir and gain Anne's grateful 
thanks. Anne, still fearful lest this measure come up 
again, insisted that her supporters, now flushed with 
victory, should carry the struggle into the camp of the 
enemy. 3 Certain of success, they seized upon the Tory 
contention that the succession was in danger, to provide 
against all contingencies due to the absence of the heir 
apparent, in case of the queen's sudden death, which was 
quite probable, on account of her chronic attacks of gout. 
Bishop Burnet proposed a regency to assume temporary 
control of affairs upon her death. Such a bill, providing 

i Hearne, I. 90. The Whigs argued that it would be an extra expense to 
keep up the court, and it was contrary to Anne's wishes. Halifax and 
Somers had been cultivating the friendship of the Hanoverians and their 
explanations to the elector and to Sophia make interesting reading. 
Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, ff. 444-5; Morrison, II. 226-8. 

2C. J., XV. 65; L. J., XVIII. 18; Coxe Papers, XVII. 221, XV. 76; 
Add. MSS., 9094. Among the moderate Tories, St. John, Harcourt, and 
Boyle opposed the motion. Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, ff. 
245-6. Bawlinson MSS. (Bodl.), C, 983, f. 170, contains an unfavorable view 
of the Whig party, to which is ascribed the desire to set up an aristocratic 
republic at Anne's death. 

3 See diary entry in Sharp, I. 310. Apparently in its original form, the 
bill was exceedingly complex. Frankland-Eussell-Astley MSS. (H. M. C), 
p. 190. 






THE ELECTION OF 1705 145 

for seven lords justices to take over the government of 
the kingdom "in case of the Queen's demise till the next 
successor arrives in the kingdom," 1 was brought in, thor- 
oughly discussed and passed. The heir was also to be 
invited to select the names of such persons as he should 
like, to co-operate with those appointed by parliament. 
As additional security, the Privy Council was to con- 
tinue for six months after the queen's death unless sooner 
terminated by the new sovereign, 2 while parliament was 
to remain in session after her death. 

The ministry was not yet satisfied, much less the 
queen. At their instance, parliament passed an "Act 
of Naturalization," making citizens of all Protestants of 
the electoral family. 3 The triumph of the ministry was 
almost complete; the queen was pleased at the discom- 
fiture of the Tories; the electress, flattered by such 
marked attention from parliament. The ministry next 
took up the Tory cry that the church was in danger, a 
charge which Anne bitterly resented, and an animated 
discussion ensued in the Lords, which ended in a resolu- 
tion setting forth that "under the happy reign of her 
Majesty, the Church is in a most safe and flourishing 
condition, and whosoever goes about to suggest that the 
Church is in danger is an enemy to the Queen, the Church 

i Hearne, I. 92; L. J., XVII. 22; C. J., XV. 51. 

2 4 & 5 Anne, c. 20. In this work Sharp took a prominent part, despite 
the general opposition of the more zealous Highfliers, and voted against 
the proposition that the lord mayor of London be added to the list of Lords 
Justices, as it was clearly a Tory move. Nottingham had better success 
with his resolution that these regents should not have power to change the 
Act of Uniformity, the Test Act, or the Habeas Corpus Act. Sharp, I. 310; 
Timberland, II. 152. Lord Hervey protested against the bill, "as the falsest 
step that ever was made by any set of men." Letter Books, p. 219. 

3 4 & 5 Anne, c. 16; Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34521, ff. 43-4. For 
details concerning the passage of this act, consult House of Lords MSS., 
VI. (n. s.), 329-36; C. J., XV. 47-54; L. J., XVIII. 39-59; Le Strange 
MSS. (H. M. C), p. 115; Luttrell, V. 617-9. 



146 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

and the Kingdom." To this emphatic motion the Com- 
mons agreed, 1 and the queen was at last revenged upon 
her enemies. 

The High Churchmen had been routed on every hand. 
The ministry was victorious, and it remained for them 
to reward the Whigs who had co-operated so faithfully; 
for, despite the efforts of the ministers and the worthy 
archbishop, a victory could not have been won without 
the junto. Long had they clamored for office, and just 
as persistently had Anne refused to listen to them; but 
as soon as they had agreed to support her measures, she 
was ready to reward them, if their demands were not 
exorbitant. Fortunately for them, the Whigs and the 

\ ministry pleased the queen on the three questions most 
vital to her: religion, the succession, and the union, and 
in each case, the junto and the "inner cabinet" had by the 
beginning of 1707 prevailed over the Tories, who were 

i suffering from the lack of efficient leadership, as Harley 
and St. John now belonged to the ministry. As the Whigs 
felt their power, they demanded more influence; in the 
meantime, the junto spent every available moment in per- 
fecting their organization. For the nonce, they were 
willing to aid Godolphin, although their ceaseless impor- 
tunities almost drove him frantic. He found himself 
unable to grant all their demands, since Anne was still 
reluctant to admit even moderate Whigs into her councils. 
To what extent the queen's hesitation was due to ad- 
vice she may have received from others at court, is a 
problem which has never been satisfactorily solved. In 
approaching the question, it is necessary to show how 
the leading ministers lost power to the junto, 2 as well as 

i Py. Hist., VI. 506. In the Lords, the vote was 61 to 30 ; in the Com- 
mons, 212 to 162. Memoirs of Halifax, pp. 132-6; Timberland, II. 160. 

2 The co-operation of the junto began as early as August, 1706. Portl. 
MSS., II. 196. 



THE ELECTION OF 1705 147 

to examine the steps by which the Whigs gradually rose 
in Anne's councils to a commanding position, which was 
made more certain by the election of 1708. The first 
Whig accessions to the ministry were Kent, Newcastle, 
and Cowper. The difficulties surrounding Sunderland's 
appointment make it in reality a critical period in the 
early history of the Whig party, and it is a commentary 
upon the power of the junto, that they could demand and 
secure from Marlborough a price for their support which 
he did not want to pay. 

However, the aid of the junto was imperative, if the 
ministry was to carry on its policies against the Tory 
opposition. Marlborough, Godolphin, and Harley, all 
conceded this, and the only question open was how to 
secure their co-operation at the least cost. Advances to 
the Whigs had been made as early as the middle of 1705, 
but the alliance was not formally sealed until the admis- 
sion of Newcastle and Cowper to the ministry. The 
latter described the dinner given by Harley to cement 
the union between the Whigs and the court. At this 
political feast, there were present St. John, Boyle, 
Cowper, and Sunderland, in addition to Harley, Marl- 
borough, and Godolphin. Somers was invited, but ex- 
cused himself, 1 a fact which, if taken in connection with 
Wharton's absence, would indicate that the working 
agreement between the junto and the ministry was not 
as yet complete. Although only a single member of the 
junto had been taken into the ministry, it is evident 
that some sort of secret arrangement between the leading 
ministers and Whig leaders must have existed by that 
time, since all Godolphin 's plans with reference to 
Hanover and Scotland passed through parliament with- 
out a jar, a proceeding scarcely probable, had not the 

i Cowper, Diary, Jan. 6, 1706. See also Mahon, I. 234. 



148 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Whigs voted under a clear understanding with the 
ministers. 1 

Thus in the two years between the battle of Blenheim 
and the appointment of Sunderland, Anne had increased 
her popularity ; with her aid, the ministry had secured in 
the election of 1705 a new parliament committed to the 
vigorous persecution of the war; with her hearty sup- 
port, the Highfliers, whom she had already dismissed 
from office, were again routed by the defeat of Bromley 
for speaker ; through her lively interest in the patronage, 
the power of the ministry was increased; at her steady 
insistence, the plan to bring over the Hanoverian heir 
to the throne was thwarted and safeguards set up against 
any attempt of the Jacobites to disturb the Protestant 
succession. However powerful the junto may have 
become by 1707, it is clear that the wishes of the queen 
had been respected up to this time in almost every detail ; 
in religion, in diplomacy, in appointments, and in the 
succession, she had made her influence felt, and she looked 
forward with the greatest anticipation to the completion 
of the union with Scotland. 

i This agreement may have been kept from the queen, who disliked 
Wharton almost as much as she did Sunderland, and would probably have 
refused to eo -operate in advancing the interests of the Whigs. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 

(1707-1708) 

By the end of the fourth year of her reign, the queen had 
gained her wishes in regard to the Highfliers and the 
Hanoverian family. She had become definitely alienated 
from the more vehement Tories, and with the aid of the 
Marlboroughs, Godolphin, and Harley, sought to secure 
the position of arbiter between the two political factions, 
while standing aloof from each of them. The ministry 
had become thoroughly consolidated in its struggles 
against the Highfliers, and when Sunderland at last 
joined the cabinet, the Whig junto co-operated with the 
chief ministers. The queen was justly proud of all that 
had been achieved, but she had another object dearer to 
her heart by far than anything that had yet been accom- 
plished, for, to her mind, the reign would be a failure 
unless she succeeded in joining Scotland, the ancestral 
home of her race, to England, in a parliamentary as well 
as a personal union. 

The people of Scotland were mainly of Celtic blood, 
and since the Anglo-Saxon invasions, they had been at 
odds with England. Scotland's national heroes, such as 
Wallace and Bruce, had gained their fame by fighting 
the English. On various occasions, the Scots had openly 
sided with France, England's hereditary enemy, much 
to the annoyance of the English sovereigns, particularly 
the Tudors. These unfortunate conditions were some- 
what remedied when, at the death of Elizabeth, James 



150 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Stuart became joint sovereign of England and Scotland. 
But the change was but a half measure, as each kingdom 
retained its own legislature; and as their interests were 
not always identical, friction frequently developed be- 
tween them. 1 

In addition to the inherent racial differences, the ques- 
tion of religion complicated political matters. England 
was Anglican, while Scotland had become devoutly Pres- 
byterian, and had assisted in overthrowing Charles I. 
After Cromwell's brief rule, and the reign of Charles II, 
William III acknowledged Presbyterianism as the estab- 
lished religion of the Scots before he could be at peace 
with them. He did his best to make the union of the 
kingdoms closer, but in vain. Anne was fully as deter- 
mined as William to accomplish it, and worked with a 
decided advantage, since the Scots never forgot that 
she was one of their own princesses. At the beginning 
of her reign, she raised the question of the union in her 
first speech to both houses. One of her first official acts 
was to appoint the Duke of Queensberry a commissioner 
to negotiate it, and on every conceivable occasion, she 
kept urging its advantage on Scots and English alike. 2 

Many things impelled the ministry towards union. 
The flourishing Jacobite sentiment in Scotland would 
then meet with greater embarrassment ; the French could 
no longer make Scotland the center of their far-reaching 
conspiracies against England; 3 while the commercial 

i The government of Scotland during this trying period is ably dis- 
cussed in Porritt, Unreformed House of Commons, II. Pt. 1. 

2 Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28070, f. 8 ; S. P. Dom., Anne, III. 13 ; 
Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, ff. 375-6 ; Marlb. MSS., p. 53. 

s Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 223, ff. 10, 25-9; Hearne, I. 46; 
Leslie Stephen, Life of Swift, p. 63. Numerous cipher letters in the Carte 
MSS. (Bodl.), particularly vol. 210, ff. 27-48, give the impression that the 
Jacobites were exceptionally strong in Scotland, but Defoe's Bevieiv (vol. 
II. passim) creates a different impression. 






THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 151 

position of both "North and South Britain" would be 
greatly benefited by their union under the same laws. 

Difficult as racial, political, and religious matters made 
Anglo-Scottish relations, the growing importance of com- 
merce made it still more involved. As the trade of Eng- 
land developed, the canny Scots began to realize that 
they were being outdistanced. Their discontent increased 
accordingly, and led them to embark upon the Darien 
expedition, which, by virtue of their tremendous igno- 
rance, was from the first doomed to utter failure. 1 The 
collapse of this speculative bubble ruined the Scots, and 
their poverty made them more willing to listen to English 
negotiations. On the other hand, this same extension 
of commerce, coupled with the problems of the succession 
and the war, made the English ministry exceedingly 
anxious for a union with Scotland. 2 

Few negotiations have been conducted with greater 
skill than the preliminaries of the union between England 
and Scotland, as the slightest accident might have brought 
them to a sudden and unfortunate conclusion. The Scots 
were jealous of the Act of Settlement, and when the 
Darien venture failed, they passed a law providing that 
for the future, succession to the Scottish throne should 
in no case be the same as the English. England retal- 
iated, forbidding the Scots to trade with England in any 

i For further details of this tragedy, consult J. S. Barbour, Hist, of Wil- 
liam Paterson, and the Darien Company; H. Bingham, "The Early History 
of the Darien Company," Scottish Hist. Rev., III.; Burnet, IV. 113, 147; 
Mahon, I. 282. 

2 The latest word upon the union is P. Hume Brown's The Legislative 
Union of England and Scotland. This author has also recently edited Sea- 
field's letters to Godolphin about the union. Even with Hume Brown's 
scholarly works on our tables, we cannot dispense with Defoe's History of 
the Union, written from observation. On the general phases of the union, 
see also Mackinnon, Union of England and Scotland (1695-1745). A later 
and briefer work is W. L. Mathieson, Scotland and the Union. 



152 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

way, but repealed the act in 1705. 1 Happily, the English 
ministry allowed their propositions to be handled in 
Scotland by Queensberry, 2 whom no violent Jacobite 
threats served to move in the least from his line of action. 
Of course, the English leaders, notably Godolphin and 
Harley, made his way easy, as they were too well aware 
of the importance of the union to be niggardly in their 
treatment of the impecunious Scottish representatives. 
Harley 's knowledge of the temperament of these leg- 
islators was excellent; no secretary of state could have 
been better served by agents, spies, and informers than 
he, because few secret service men have ever displayed 
such genius for work of this sort as did Defoe 3 and his 
companions. In the light of what happened later, it has 
been the custom to despise the efforts of Greg, one of 
Harley 's agents in Scotland, but his letters to the secre- 
tary of state during the progress of negotiations seems 
to show that at this time he was both a careful observer 
and a faithful servant,* who did much to keep the min- 
istry informed of Scottish affairs. In these negotiations 
Harley took a prominent part even before his appoint- 
ment as secretary. William Paterson kept him in touch 
with the economic side of the negotiations, Seafield in- 
formed him of all political developments, while the ver- 
satile author of Robinson Crusoe attended to both sides 
of the question in a sympathetic, thoroughgoing, and 
impartial manner. Through the skill of these men, Har- 
ley and Godolphin were kept thoroughly posted of the 

i Py. Hist., VI. 368-74; James, III. 267, 282; L. J., XVII. 583. 

2 Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 233, ff. 10, 25-9. After the 
union, Queensberry became the political leader and manipulator of Scot- 
land. Porritt, supra cit., II. 89, 128, 147-58. 

3 Consult his letters to Harley. Portl. MSS., IV. 200, sq. ; Conduct of 
Parties, p. 13. 

4 See Portl. MSS., IV. 205, 346. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 153 

exact status of the negotiations. 1 Progress came slowly, 
and amid numerous difficulties. At last, somewhat to the 
surprise of both English and Scots, the treaty of union 
was agreed to by the commissioners, and then submitted 
to their respective parliaments for acceptance. 

In the English parliament, it was expected to pass, 
because the queen was supporting the ministry. How- 
ever, in discussing the Scottish Act at the beginning of 
1705, it had been found that Godolphin lacked influence 
in parliament and seemed to be sinking into his dotage. 
All the ministry realized that he would be most bitterly 
attacked by the Tories, and the queen thought her attend- 
ance might cause the debaters to moderate their attacks 
upon him, so she was present during the debates, "at 
first on the throne, and after, it being cold, on a bench 
at the fire." Unfortunately her presence did not have 
the effect anticipated. Rochester and Nottingham for 
the Tories, as well as Somers and Halifax for the Whigs, 
failed to spare Godolphin, who never appeared to less 
advantage. Dartmouth witnessed that he "talked non- 
sense very fast, which was not his usual way either of 
matter or manner." 2 As a result, actual fear as to the 
fate of the articles of union prevailed among the English 
ministers, when the bill came before parliament two years 
later. 

Anne and her councillors planned most skilfully. They 
had postponed the meeting of the English parliament in 

i Paterson also supplied Godolphin with information. Portl. MSS., IV. 
331. Seafield's work was both accurate and invaluable. lb., 276, sq. The 
Earl of Cromartie's letters to Godolphin are also full. Morrison, I. 35. 
Carstares' correspondence is extensive. Portl. MSS., VI., VII. passim. For 
other letters to Harley about Scotland, see ib., IV. 250, sq. 

2 Burnet, V. 179; Cunningham, II. 78. Mahon is beyond the mark when 
he says : ' ' His fire indeed was nearly burned out and it might almost be 
said of him that henceforth during the remainder of his life he played but 
a subordinate part in his own administration." Queen Anne, p. 166. 



154 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

1706 until the Commissioners for the Union had com- 
pleted their work, and the Scottish parliament had nearly- 
concluded its deliberations. The queen's address from 
the throne as the session opened, was calculated to ad- 
vance the cause of the union, and the reception accorded 
Marlborough upon his return from the Continent took 
up much of the time of parliament in its opening session, 
but this exaltation of the military hero was intended to 
have practical results, since it was hoped that the glory 
which had come to British arms abroad might lead the 
Scots and English alike to look upon the complete union 
of the two nations with more complaisance. Moreover, 
the English public had been educated to the advisability 
and advantages of the union, through the publication of 
a large number of interesting pamphlets ; and when the 
vote came, the English parliament accepted the articles 
of union without much difficulty. 

In the legislature of Scotland, the outcome was more 
doubtful, as the local patriotism of the Scot was intense. 
The English ministers, at this point, displayed great 
finesse; for, instead of attempting the crude method of 
bribing influential members of the assembly, they pre- 
ferred the more circuitous, but fully as effective plan of 
agreeing to pay the delinquent salaries of the needy 
Scottish officials, and assume Scotland's share of the war 
debt. 1 The pourparlers had been long and tiresome. 
Throughout, Scottish jealousy and English indifference 
threatened the failure of the plan so dear to the queen, 
but with her insistence, 2 Harley's tact, and Godolphin's 

i Despite the Tory claim, there was no crass corruption. Burton, I. 484- 
94; Brown, Legislative Union, pp. 126-8; Burnet, V. 301-3. For the old 
view see Life of her late Majesty (1721), I. 423; Lockhart Papers, I. 327. 

2 The Hatton-Finch Papers, Add. MSS., 29548, f . 29, contains a letter of 
Anne to Queensberry, which shows her great interest in the negotiations. 
Another of her letters in Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28070, f. 4, shows 
how she trusted him. Anne later became enraged at the obstinate opposi- 






THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 155 

honesty and attitude of compromise, the Scots under the 
leadership of Queensberry and Hamilton were brought 
into line. 1 

To no one statesman or group of statesmen can be 
accorded the honor of uniting England and Scotland. 
Most of the praise must go to the queen, Godolphin, and 
Harley; although in the distribution of praise, Defoe, 
Seafield, and Queensberry must not be forgotten. Nor 
to the court alone goes all the glory for the treaty, as its 
ratification at Westminster depended upon the support 
of the Whigs. Although at first the Tories apparently 
favored the union, as the movement progressed, their 
leaders fought incessantly against it, on the grounds that 
it was unfavorable to England, and granted too much to 
the Scottish Presbyterians. The fears of English church- 
men brought forth against the treaty the eloquence of 
Hooper, Beveridge, and other bishops, but they more 
than met their match in debate with Burnet and the junto, 
who maintained that the danger to England lay not in 
the Dissenters, but in France and Catholicism. 2 Num- 
bers, too, favored the Whigs, and once more the Tory 
zealots were forced to accept defeat at the hands of the 
ministry, after they had again discredited themselves 
with the queen, whose memory of such actions was too 
apt to be vindictive. 

In such an epochal undertaking, there is praise enough 
for all, because the union marks a milestone in the history 
of the empire, as well as in the history of England. It 

tion of the Scots to the appointment of Lord Forfar. Add. MSS., 28070, 
f. 10. A personal letter from Anne to Queensberry is in Add. MSS., 12093, 
f. 18, while Halifax's letter to Godolphin as to Anne's relation to the 
negotiations is found in Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, f. 300. 

i See Lockhart Papers, I. 133 ; G. W. T. Ormond, Fletcher of Saltoun, 
p. 127. 

2 Burnet, V. 295; Marchmont MSS. (H. M. C), p. 158; Seafield MSS. 
(H. M. C), PP- 192-8. 



156 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

made a closer union between Celt and Anglo-Saxon, be- 
tween Presbyterian and Anglican, which was the begin- 
ning of the end for the Jacobites. For the Scots, it 
meant greater economic and political freedom, as well 
as the opportunity to act as pioneers in the British 
empire arising beyond the seas; 1 for the English, a 
steady ally, rather than a treacherous neighbor. 

As soon as the articles of union had been agreed upon 
in March, 1707, Anne came to the Lords to pass the act 
in the customary form. She could not refrain from ex- 
pressing her satisfaction at what had been accomplished, 
and entreated her "subjects of both nations [to] . . . 
act with all possible respect and kindness to one another, 
that it may appear to all the world that they have hearts 
disposed to become one people." 2 

Such advice was sorely needed, as only a few weeks 
passed before the commercial provisions of the treaty 
brought trouble. It had been agreed that from May 1, 
1707, freedom of trade should exist between England and 
Scotland. Merchants, who had been accustomed to pay 
heavy import duties to bring goods into England, found 
it more profitable now to ship goods to Scottish ports, 
where the duties were low, and reship them to England 
after May 1. The English naturally objected to the 
methods of these quick-witted traders, and the Commons 
passed a law prohibiting the free importation into Eng- 
land of goods landed in Scotland a short time before the 
union. The peers realized that by sanctioning the bill, 
they would cause the Scots to doubt England's sincerity, 
and endanger the permanence of the union. As a result, 
they refused to pass it. To lessen the heat among the 
Commoners, and to prevent, if possible, a clash between 

i Porritt, Unreformed House of Commons, II. 89, sq.; W. C. Webster, 
General History of Commerce, p. 178. 
2 Py. Hist., VI. 576. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 157 

the houses, Anne resorted to a week's prorogation. The 
lower house continued obstinate, however, and sent up 
a second bill to the Lords. A quarrel, which seemed now 
inevitable, was obviated by the queen's tact in proroguing 
parliament. 1 

The union itself is a splendid illustration of what a 
unified ministry could do with the aid of the queen, but 
Sunderland's attempt to become a member of the cabinet 
council gives us a clear idea of the relative influence of 
the various ministers, since in this case, the " inner cabi- 
net" was divided, and Anne sided with the minority. 
Godolphin and Marlborough eventually triumphed over 
her wishes, partly on account of the importunities of the 
Whigs and the duke's military prowess, but more largely 
it would seem, from the political necessity of unanimity 
in the council while the all-important matter of the union 
was under way. 

Such unity of purpose in the ministry was soon seen 
to be temporary, as it was obvious by the close of 1706 
that differences of opinion had already risen. Sunder- 
land and the duchess knew that Harley had sought to 
prevent Sunderland 's entry into the ministry. The short 
prorogation of parliament incensed this impetuous young 
Whig and republican, who insisted that Harley was re- 
sponsible for Anne's action. 2 Henceforth, almost steady 
strife existed in the ministry, for Sunderland was a rest- 
less individual with many of the characteristics of the 
born agitator, showing an almost uncanny ability to do 
the wrong thing at just the moment to occasion the great- 
est difficulty to his associates. 

This was true in Spanish affairs. Only one able Eng- 
lish general had been sent to the peninsula — the impetu- 
ous and highly eccentric Earl of Peterborough, who won 

iW. Coxe, Memoirs of Eobert Walpole, II. 8; Py. Hist., VI. 577-81. 
2Mahon, 287; Coxe, II. 35. 



,' 



158 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

marvelous victories while violating every canon of mili- 
tary science. One of Sunderland's first official acts was 
to recall Peterborough, thus giving free reign to the 
rivalry of Galway and Rivers, which brought about the 
debacle at Almanza. 1 Only a few weeks later, the English 
learned that Admiral Shovel's fleet had met a great dis- 
aster off the Scilly Isles and the admiral had lost his 
life. 2 These two disasters weakened the influence of the 
ministry. Had Marlborough been able to do anything 
to relieve the gloom, it would have been well for them, 
but the selfishness of the Dutch and Imperial authorities, 
coupled with the refusal of the French commanders to 
give him battle, prevented this consummation, while dur- 
ing his inactivity, his allies were badly defeated on the 
Rhine. Such reverses discouraged the Dutch, and Buys, 
one of their leading statesmen, began to talk about ' ' rea- 
sonable" terms of peace. 3 

Louis XIV took heart, and imagined it would be easy 
to negotiate a peace, if he could gain the support of Marl- 
borough, who was by no means sanguine as to the out- 
come of the conflict. The duke was fully aware that 
victory alone could make him popular in England, and 
popularity alone would enable him to remain one of 
Anne's influential advisers. Without her aid, he believed 
it would be futile to attempt any great military exploits 
in the face of Tory hatred, court jealousy, and popular 
disfavor. 

Marlborough knew the weakness of Godolphin, and his 
liveliest fears as to Sunderland were being realized, for 
the latter began to quarrel with Harley. Moreover, 
Sunderland's influence over the duchess increased her 
proselyting activity with the queen in favor of the Whigs, 

i A. Parnell, The War of the Succession in Spain, eh. xxiv. 

2 Annals (1707), 241-2. 

3Coxe, II. 44, 105; Luttrell, VI. 174. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 159 

which was certain to arouse all of Anne's hereditary 
obstinacy, and reduce the influence of the ministers. 
Worst of all, Lady Marlborough began to absent herself 
from court for long intervals. 

At the same moment that he had brought Scottish 
affairs to a happy conclusion, Grodolphin, too, began to 
realize that the queen's attitude was growing more inde- 
pendent. In diplomacy, she insisted upon interfering 
more and more; in civil appointments, she raised more 
questions than had been her custom; and in church 
affairs, she practically demanded a free hand. For a time 
he knew only that she was unfriendly towards his policies, 
but it was months before he became aware that she was 
acting upon the suggestions and confidential advice of 
others. 1 

It is indeed strange that the Marlboroughs or Godol- 
phin should not have recognized this earlier. However, 
it took some important event to bring the facts home to 
them. This enlightening incident fell in the domain of 
ecclesiastical affairs. For over five years, Grodolphin had 
exercised at least a nominal control over the selection of 
the queen's civil servants and over the policy of the 
crown. One' would not expect Godolphin's supervision 
over the queen's ecclesiastical appointments to be so 
close, for she was particularly interested in religious 
affairs, and might naturally insist upon having even more 
of her way than in the choice of public officials. 2 In fact, 
the part played by the queen in ecclesiastical matters is 

i Reid, p. 148; Coxe, II. 106. 

2 Reid, p. 131. "The influence of Queen Sarah over Queen Anne . . . 
was in political more than in religious matters; the Queen's friends did not, 
to any great extent, influence her in the distribution of church patronage." 
J. Stoughton, 'Religion in Eng., p. 5. "Church patronage was the thing 
above all others on which the queen exercised her own judgment. ' ' Roscoe, 
Harley, p. 82. In this respect she resembled Queen Victoria. Cross, Eist. 
of Eng. and Greater Brit., p. 1037. Hearne believed that the duchess 
greatly influenced church appointments. Collections, I. 104, 133. 



160 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

in one sense the key to her political policy ; and nowhere 
else does her influence appear in clearer light, or the in- 
teraction of religion and politics become more apparent. 

William III, unfamiliar with the administration of the 
Established Church, and fearful lest his ignorance might 
produce difficulties, had appointed a commission to fill 
' ' all preferments vested in the crown, ' ' and to supervise 
in a general way all things ecclesiastical. Anne had 
scarcely ascended the throne before she decided to take 
into her own hands the presentations to benefices, and 
" herself dispose of all ecclesiastical preferments belong- 
ing to the Crown as they became vacant, and not leave 
it to the Archbishop of Canterbury and five other bishops 
as the late king did. ' n To some extent, Anne 's decision 
may have been due to her dislike of Dr. Tenison, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, whom Mary had selected; since 
Anne had passed him by and invited the Archbishop of 
York to deliver her coronation sermon. However, the 
dismissal of the ecclesiastical commission just as clearly 
denoted her desire to exercise a more direct influence 
over the church, which she cherished so much, and to 
keep ambitious Whigs out of important benefices. 

Among the higher clergy were some of Anne's closest 
friends. The energetic Bishop of London was her pro- 
tector on that lonely, stormy night when she sacrificed 
her father for the sake of her religion. Such favors Anne 
never forgot, and as a privy councillor, Compton was 
frequently consulted about church policies, and it was 
believed that the failure to renew the ecclesiastical com- 
mission was chiefly due to his advice. 2 Yet, in spite of 

iLuttrell, V. 157. See also Von Noorden, I. 295. 

2 Life of Henry Compton, Bishop of London, pp. 65-9. Harley also sug- 
gested that the bishops, "who are great patrons themselves, should not 
solicit her majesty, who has so few livings left," and urged that a merit 
system should be adopted to provide for the impecunious graduates in 
divinity at Oxford and Cambridge. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 161 

his many good traits, this bishop was not sufficiently 
monastic in his demeanor to act as her father confessor, 
even though he were the dean of her own private chapel. 

That important role was reserved for Dr. Sharp, the 
cautious Archbishop of York, 1 who exerted a larger in- 
fluence on affairs ecclesiastical than his professed 
superior, Dr. Tenison. Early in the reign, Anne had 
offered Dr. Sharp the position of chief almoner 2 and a 
seat in the Privy Council, both of which he refused. 
Subsequently, however, he accepted these evidences of 
her generosity and good will, even under the implied 
condition, imposed by the queen, that a part of his duties 
should consist in making the bishops in the House of 
Lords "vote right." 3 This valuable function he seems 
to have performed at various critical moments in the first 
half of the reign, but reluctantly and only at Anne's 
express solicitation. 

In determining ecclesiastical policies, his advice was 
more often sought than in filling vacancies in the church, 
although even here he assumed an important and praise- 
worthy part. Sir William Dawes, the newly appointed 
Bishop of Chester, was his close friend, and Sharp 
planned successfully to have the baronet succeed him as 
Archbishop of York. The queen unquestionably chose 
to rely upon the discretion of Dr. Sharp, as she knew 
that in executing her instruction, he, while working for 
the best interests of the church, constantly took into ac- 
count the political situation. Occasionally he actively 
championed the claims of some exceptionally efficient 
theologian, as Trimnel, who had been Anne's chaplain 
since 1701. Concerning this enthusiastic divine, he 

i Indeed Anne told Sharp that she intended him to succeed to the deanery, 
if Compton, who was getting old, should pass away. Sharp, I. 313. 

2 He succeeded Lloyd, Bishop of Worcester, who had been deprived for 
his interference in the elections of his county. Py. Hist., VI. 51. 

3 Sharp, I. 299-300. 



162 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

noted: "I heartily wish Dr. Trimnel had some good pre- 
ferment in the Church ; for he well deserves it, and indeed 
I do not know a better man. If my good character of him 
to her Majesty can add anything to her Grace's [Lady 
Marlborough] recommendation, I am not only ready but 
shall be glad to give it at all times." Trimnel soon be- 
came Bishop of Norwich. 1 Thus in appointing bishops, 
Anne listened attentively to Sharp's intelligent opinion, 
but by no means invariably followed it. Occasionally his 
suggestions failed to please her, and at other times, the 
political exigencies made it impossible for her to carry 
out their joint wishes. 

Having personal access to the queen, with whose High 
Church ideas he was in the closest accord, he enjoyed her 
confidence in political as well as ecclesiastical affairs. 
Especially was this true at a time when she was at odds 
with the pretensions of her leading ministers, who sought 
to enforce their will upon her. Indeed, on occasions, 
Sharp seems to have been consulted on Anne's intended 
changes in the ministry, because he, like Harley, his col- 
league in the council, strongly advised her against taking 
into the ministry anyone of whom she personally dis- 
approved. 2 Along with others like Burnet, he was most 
influential in supporting her desire to apply Queen 
Anne's bounty to the relief of distressed 3 curates. He 
saw personally such important members of the lower 

i Sharp, I. 333-6. See also Annals (1708), p. 373; Coxe, II. 103. Trim- 
nel 's pretensions were also supported by Nottingham, and by Sunderland, 
whose tutor he had been. For an excellent summary of his life, see Hearne, 
I. 218. Other evidences of his general activity may be found in Morrison, 
V. 39; S. P. Dom., Anne, IV. passim; ib., II. 44, 85. 

2 Sharp, I. 251, 319; Other Side, p. 153; Winchelsea and Nottingham 
MSS. (H. M. C), p. 22. 

3 The word ' ' distressed ' ' is used advisedly, for nearly a fifth of the 
clergy received £10 or less a year, a fourth more received £20 or less. 
Fewer than one in every six received £50 or more. Edinburgh Eeview, 
XXXVIII. 151. See also W. Palin, History of the Church of England. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 163 

house as Onslow, Harcourt, William Bromley, and St. 
John. In the Lords, he spoke twice in its favor and car- 
ried all the bishops with him for the measure, which 
passed by only seven votes. 1 

It is most natural that Anne confided in Sharp, and 
made him "her confessor," 2 for not even by a violent 
stretch of the imagination, could any of her leading min- 
isters be considered pious. Godolphin's chief interest in 
life lay in cock-fighting and horse-racing, neither of which 
could be expected to appeal to the sensitive mind of the 
queen. The Marlboroughs were also decidedly mundane 
in their views of life, and Harley's influence in church 
affairs must have been limited by the queen's knowledge 
that he had been bred a Dissenter, while his private views 
of spiritual matters remained strictly Low Church. 3 Of 
all her ministers, Nottingham was the most devout, and 
as a representative of the Laudian school, expected to 
exert a preponderant influence in church appointments. 

Although the queen relied more than has previously 
been supposed upon Dr. Sharp's advice, his own testi- 
mony runs that she used him as her agent, rather than as 
her master. 4 Lady Marlborough's recommendations 
were even less final. "As to Mr. Hodely, who you are 
desired to recommend to me," wrote Anne to her, "the 

i Sharp, I. 339-41. See also Coke MSS., III. 30; S. P. Dom., Anne, 
XXV. passim; For 11. MSS., IV. 126. 

2 Sharp, I. 301. See also Other Side, pp. 153-7. The duchess said he 
was Anne's "chief counsellor in church-matters." Conduct, p. 124. 

3 Anne's decided preference for the clergy of the Laudian type does not 
mean that she was intolerant, but only that she treated High Churchmen 
with the greater kindness. The Quakers never experienced better usage than 
during her reign, and the Dissenters, as a whole, were disturbed very little 
after the failure of the Occasional Conformity Bill, in the third year of her 
rule, until its final passage in 1711. William Sewel, Hist, of the Quakers, 
II. 595-613; Life of Calamy, passim. 

4 ' ' Yet this regard was had to him, notwithstanding that the Queen 
would rarely give her promise without his advice, and, generally speaking, 
consent first obtained." Sharp, I. 334-5. 



164 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Archbishop of York did amongst others, name him as one 
he thought might be proper to succeed Dr. Beveridge, but 
said, too, that he was young and might stay for prefer- 
ment better than others, and the last time I saw him . . . 
he told me that by all the inquiries he had made he 
believed Dr. Waugh would be the fittest man for this 
living of Dr. Beveridge, and upon his saying so, I told 
him he should have it. ' " 

On account of Anne 's religious views, the Highfliers, at 
the beginning of the reign, expected to fill all vacant 
preferments with zealous High Church ecclesiastics, but 
they were grievously disappointed, as Anne kept a watch- 
ful eye over preferments, and it must have been a source 
of annoyance to them that Sharp was so liberal minded 
in his recommendations as to consider the character and 
training of candidates as well as their dogma and political 
inclinations. 

On a few occasions, the queen unexpectedly requested 
others to fill vacant benefices. The Bishop of St. David's 
had been convicted of simony and the see had been with- 
out a bishop for months. In the interim, Anne was 
deluged with applications, from which there emerged 
four leading candidates for the place. Realizing that to 
select one of these worthies would mean the loss of the 
support of the other three, Anne confessed her inability 
to choose among four such excellent men and turned the 
thankless task over to Dr. Tenison. 2 

i Marlb. MSS., p. 27. Benjamin Hoadly was one of the more active Low 
Church divines. As a pamphleteer, he was most industrious, but his reli- 
gious views did not appeal to the queen. He was under the Hanoverians 
successively appointed to four sees. Sharp, I. 312, 335; Morrison, V. 39; 
Burnet, V. 17; Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, passim; Winchelsea 
and Nottingham MSS. (H. M. C), p. 22. 

2 Chamberlen, p. 188. S. P. Dom., Anne, XXIV., consists of a parchment 
box filled with petitions from the clergy and others about church affairs. 
She might have desired to embarrass the archbishop who appointed the 
learned Dr. Bull. S. P. Dom., Entry Book, CL. 243-4. Hearne gives an 






THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 165 

Whatever her purpose in this instance, Anne was 
usually willing to accept all the responsibility for ap- 
pointments, as she always felt that the church was in 
danger when appointments were controlled by Whigs. 
"As to my saying the Church was in some danger in the 
late reign," she wrote the Duchess of Marlborough, "I 
cannot alter my opinion, for though there was no violent 
thing done, everybody that will speak impartially must 
own, that everything was leaning towards the Whigs, and 
whenever that is, 1 shall think the Church beginning to be 
in danger." 1 With such deep-seated prejudices, Anne 
usually had the last word in disposing of vacant benefices. 
Indeed she was very jealous of her power in ecclesiastical 
affairs, and took great delight in rewarding her friends. 
Dr. Hooper was one of William's chaplains, and when 
ordered to omit the usual courtesies to the princess, he 
refused to do so, and thus earned Anne's gratitude. A 
few years later, she wished him to be appointed her son's 
tutor, but the king substituted Burnet. As soon as pos- 
sible after her accession, she rewarded Hooper's loyalty 
by appointing him Bishop of Asaph, a poor benefice, it is 
true, nevertheless an earnest of her gratitude, since he 
was allowed to hold the deanery of Canterbury in com- 
mendam. Scarcely five months passed before he was, 
with Harley's help, translated to Bath and Wells, the 
income of which was three times as great as that of St. 
Asaph's. Anne's favorite chaplain also became Dean of 
Canterbury. 2 

interesting explanation. ' ' The Low Church men to obviate the reflections 
made upon them for preferring none but their own party, at length pro- 
moted Dr. Bull and Beveridge to two bishoprics; but they were Welsh and 
such as their creatures would not accept of." I. 229. Burnet praises the 
queen for this action. Add. MSS. (Bodl.), B. 23, ff. 89-93. 

i Conduct, p. 158. 

2 Luttrell, V. 304, 377-8; B. N. B., article on "Hooper"; J. L. Anderdon, 
Life of Thomas Ken (1st ed.), p. 442. It was reported that Hooper was 



166 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

Not long after this, Cowper was appointed lord keeper, 
an office which heretofore had the right of filling a con- 
siderable number of benefices. Anne at once told him 
that she would reserve this right, because as she wrote 
to the duchess : " I think the Crown can never have too 
many livings at its disposal and ... it is a power I can 
never think it is reasonable to part with ; and I hope those 
who come after me will be of the same mind." 1 Tenison 
was much disturbed over the queen's control of such 
appointments and interviewed the lord keeper about it. 
He received small consolation from Cowper, who had 
promised Anne "to present as she directed in all the 
valuable ones," so the archbishop went away fearing the 
worst from the importunities "of the women and the 
hangers-on at court," 2 although both men agreed to co- 
operate in an endeavor to regain control of advowsons. 

The duchess had also been much exercised at Anne's 
steady assumption of power over appointments, and 
maintained that Cowper might safely be permitted to fill 
vacant benefices. When Anne disagreed with her, the 
duchess complained of outside influences, an accusation 
which Anne took very much to heart. "You wrong me 
very much in thinking I am influenced by some you men- 
tion in disposing of Church preferments," she said in 
reply. "Ask those you will believe, though you won't me, 
and they can tell you I never disposed of any without 
advising with them, and that I have preferred more 

to be Bishop of Rochester. Luttrell, V. 251. For Harley's activity in his 
behalf, see Portl. MSS., IV. 63, 72. Nicholson was appointed Bishop of 
Carlisle even earlier. Cal. S. P. Dom. (1702-3), p. 358. Wake received his 
appointment to Lincoln a little later. S. P. Dom., Entry Book, CL. 249. 

i Coxe Papers, XLV. 1. In 1707, Anne ordered the authorities to ascer- 
tain whether she did not possess the right of granting the ' ' Besiden- 
tiary's place" at St. Paul's. S. P. Dom., Anne, IX. 64. 

2 Strickland, XII. 129. Cowper acknowledges Anne's monopoly of ap- 
pointments in his Diary, 21 March, 1706. See J. C. Campbell, Lives of the 
Lord Chancellors (1874), V. 171. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 167 

people upon other recommendations than I have his that 
you fancy to have so much power with me. ' n 

Important as they seem to have been, it would be a 
great mistake to conclude that Compton and Sharp were 
Anne's only confidants among ecclesiastics. At her 
accession, Atterbury became a royal chaplain. Though 
he remained at Oxford for some years, his influence at 
court increased, and during the last four years of the 
reign, he exerted great power, 2 despite his offensive 
aggressiveness in favor of the Jacobites. Personally 
repellent to the queen was the versatile Burnet, partly 
because he was a Low Churchman suspected of Presby- 
terianism, but mainly because he insisted on lecturing 
her. Yet he, too, even after making liberal allowances 
for the egotism shown in his works, influenced her coun- 
cils in a considerable degree. 3 

Other ecclesiastics doubtless made themselves felt from 
time to time, but the four just mentioned were certainly 
the most important political factors in the Church of 
England. Since ecclesiastical offices were looked upon 
as suitable rewards for political partisans, the ministry 
played an important role in distributing these prizes to 
their faithful adherents. From the outset of the reign, 
the treasurer, Godolphin, took an active part in granting 

i Coxe Papers, XLV. 2. See also Thomson, II. 75. 

2S. P. Dom., Entry Book, CV. 93-7; H. C. Beeching, Life of Atterbury, 
p. 138. 

3 Burnet, V. 105, and passim. In August, 1705, Burnet was told that 
Anne would not favor his nominee for a deanery, as she did not have the 
same idea of his politics as the bishop did. Add. MSS. (Bodl.), A. 191, f. 
27. Wilson is certainly in error when he calls the Whig bishops ' ' the con- 
science soothers" of the queen. Import, of 'Reign, p. 67. The aged Bishop 
Lloyd once told Anne he could prove from Daniel and the Revelation that 
she ought to make a peace. She replied: "My Lord, I am no divine. I 
cannot argue the matter; but Lord Oxford may perhaps answer your objec- 
tions." Seward, Anecdotes, V. 87. From which it may be judged that 
Anne was not exceedingly superstitious after all. 



168 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

such preferments as lay in the gift of the crown. As long 
as Anne and Godolphin were relying upon the High 
Tories for support, all went well, although the chief 
minister soon felt his limitations in dealing with delicate 
ecclesiastical and political situations, and depended in- 
creasingly upon Harley. 

Having seen the part played by the queen and promi- 
nent churchmen in ecclesiastical appointments, we turn 
now to the activity of Harley, whose interest and import- 
ance in filling vacant benefices is indicative of the close 
relation of religion and politics, showing as it does the 
great interest which the higher ecclesiastics took in 
politics. 

A fortnight after he accepted the seals as secretary, 
Harley was asked by Godolphin whether his friend, Atter- 
bury, would care for the deanery of Carlisle. A month 
later, Atterbury was made dean, 1 and despite the strenu- 
ous opposition of Bishop Nicholson, held his place until 
translated to the see of Rochester. This quarrel between 
Atterbury and Dr. Nicholson is significant as showing the 
influence of politics upon religion. The bishop refused 
to instal Atterbury because of his supposedly heretical 
opinions. The climax of the quarrel is described by the 
latter: "Dr. Atterbury writ to Secretary Harley, and the 
bishop to Secretary Hedges. Both our letters were laid 
before the Queen and her Majesty ordered Secretary 
Hedges to let the Bishop of Carlisle know that the person 
her Majesty had presented [Atterbury] should be in- 
stalled." 2 Whether Harley influenced Anne's order is 

iBath MSS., I. 57; S. P. Com., Entry Book, CLI. 121. Through Har- 
ley 's influence, Atterbury was granted a license to be absent from his 
preferment. lb., CLI. 126-7. These entries are taken from Harley 's 
"Ecclesiastical Book," which he kept while secretary of state. 

2 Beeching, Life of Atterbury, p. 138. For the details of Atterbury 's 
quarrel with Nicholson, see Bath MSS., I. 63; Portl. MSS., IV. 131. At 
Anne's suggestion, Hedges wrote the bishop, asking him not to take action 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 169 

unknown, but we may safely assume that Lady Marl- 
borough at least did not forward the candidacy of such 
an inveterate Tory as Atterbury. 

A close friend of both Harley and Atterbury among 
the higher clergy was Trelawny, Bishop of Exeter, a man 
of great force, but exceedingly irascible. He was a species 
of political "boss" in Cornwall, 1 and placed the fullest 
confidence in the secretary as his intercessor with Anne, 
whom he had supported in her quarrels with William 
and Mary. Nor did this trust appear misplaced. Tre- 
lawny had, in his tactless way, engaged in a dispute with 
the Bishop of Bath and Wells and applied to Harley for 
help. "I . . . thank you for the firmness and despatch 
which you have been pleased to use in rescuing me," 
wrote the grateful bishop, "I am obliged to her Majesty 
for ridding me of my forward coadjutor, and to . . . the 
Lord Treasurer for the part ... he took with you in 
making known to Her Majesty that indignity." 2 Tre- 
lawny was soon in the midst of another quarrel with Dr. 
Hooper, who, when translated to Bath and Wells, had 
received Anne's permission to hold in commendam the 
chantry of Exeter, with the understanding that its reve- 
nue (£200) was to go to the support of that worthy non- 
juror, Thomas Ken. As Bishop of Exeter, Trelawny 
objected in emphatic terms, and appealed once more to 
his friend at court. In taking up the cudgels in his be- 
half, Harley wrote to Goclolphin that if Trelawny "be 
obliged in this, it will be a double advantage ; it will please 

against Atterbury. Add. MSS., 15946, f. 3. It was effort wasted, for the 
case came to trial and Nicholson won. Despite the chagrin of Sharp and 
Harley, Anne held that she was satisfied. Manchester, Court and Society, 
Letter of Feb. 20, 1708. 

i See his correspondence with Harley in Portl. MSS., IV. 416, 421, and 
passim; Winchelsea and Nottingham MSS. (H. M. C), p. 21. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 101, 105. He was also on good terms with Marl- 
borough. Bath MSS., III. 193. 



170 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

a man of interest, and mortify another who has made her 
Majesty very ill returns for her Majesty's great and dis- 
tinguished favors." 1 Probably Trelawny's claim was 
just ; besides Hooper had not proved very submissive to 
discipline. At any rate, the latter called on the queen, 
who asked him to give up his claim at Exeter and prom- 
ised Ken £200 a year from the exchequer. Not only in 
this matter, where Trelawny's favorite became Dean of 
Exeter, but in many others as well, Harley's wishes were 
respected by Anne and Godolphin. 2 

The relative influence of the Marlboroughs, Godolphin, 
and Harley over ecclesiastical appointments was soon to 
be evident, even to the slow moving lord treasurer. Early 
in November, 1706, Winchester, one of the most lucrative 
sees in England, became vacant. For this bishopric, 
Godolphin 's brother and Trelawny were the leading can- 
didates. Of the two, Dr. Godolphin possessed much the 
more satisfactory qualifications. 3 Nevertheless, the lord 
treasurer was compelled, partly by the queen, and partly 
by political necessity, to favor Trelawny, and his brother 
was solaced by the deanery of St. Paul's. Only a few 
weeks later the new Bishop of Winchester was invested 
' 'Prelate of the most noble order of the Garter." 4 

Apparently Harley's friends and candidates fared 
better than those of the duke. Marlborough's chaplain, 
Dr. Hare, was one of his favorites and when the deanery 

i Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, ff. 94-5; Anderdon, Life of Ken, 
p. 463. 

2 Hearne, I. 23. Harley was also interested in the dispute between 
Bishops Compton and Hooper the same year. S. P. Dom., Entry Book, 
CV. 93-7. Further evidence of Harley's influence may be found in Godol- 
phin Papers, Add. MSS., 28070, f . 6 ; Forth MSS., IV. 50, 57, 274, 473, 478. 

3 By common report, Trelawny was an ' ' illiterate, mean, silly, trifling, 
and impertinent fellow." Hearne, I. 315. See also ib., II. 94. 

* Burnet, V. 337; S. P. Dom., Entry Book, CLI. 44. Anne had been im- 
pressed by a sermon he delivered just after the opening of her first parlia- 
ment. Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7074, f. 177. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 171 

*at Rochester became void, he wished Hare to have it, so 
that by this step, he might the more surely obtain the 
see of Oxford upon which his heart was set. Godolphin 
interviewed Tenison, who thought the place must go to 
a Cambridge man. Even the lord treasurer felt that 
Hare should not be a dean without the degree of doctor 
of divinity, and the place eventually was given to 
another. 1 

Trelawny's promotion to Winchester created a furor, 
particularly among the Whigs, and thoroughly disgusted 
the Highfliers. To propitiate the former, Godolphin 
rashly promised them the preferments that were then 
vacant. When he interviewed Anne relative to the un- 
filled bishoprics of Chester and Exeter, he was greatly 
surprised to learn that she had already given her word 
to two Tory divines. 2 It is difficult to account for his 
astonishment over information that seems to have been 
public property for a week, 3 on any ground other than 
negligence of public affairs. Nevertheless, the informa- 
tion shocked him. When the Whigs heard this last bit of 
news, they were aroused, and called a meeting of the 
most influential commoners, where the dukes of Somerset 
and Devonshire promised them on Anne's behalf that, 
although she could not recall these obnoxious appoint- 
ments, she was nevertheless very much aware of the ser- 
vices the Whigs had rendered, and would in the future 
fully satisfy them. 4 In compliance with this promise, 

i Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7074, f. 204. Hare received the degree in 
1708, but his bishopric did not come until 1727. 

2 Portl. MSS., II. 201 ; Burnet, V. 337. 

s May 31, 1707, Luttrell, VI. 177-8. Yet Trelawny was not formally 
appointed until June 14. Salmon's Chronology, I. 349. This may have 
been one of Luttrell 's frequent errors. 

* Burnet, V. 340. The conges of the bishops of Exeter and Chester are 
dated Feb. 7, 1708. S. P. Dom., Entry Books, CLI. 153-4; Add. MSS., 
4743, f. 80. The presence of these two Tory bishops in the Lords im- 
periled Whig as well as ministerial control of that house. Leadam, p. 125. 



172 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

she made Trimnel Bishop of Norwich, translated Moore 
to the vacant see at Ely, and appointed Kennett, the his- 
torian and divine, Dean of Peterborough, and Dr. Potter 
Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford. 1 All these men 
were thoroughgoing Whigs, but even Hearne, the zealous 
non-juring antiquary, conceded that they were good 
preachers. This was poor consolation for the junto, for 
it indicated that Anne held the key to ecclesiastical 
appointments. 

Unsatisfactory as the queen's explanation may have 
been to the Whigs, it was still more unpalatable to Godol- 
phin. He was thoroughly alarmed because he was forced 
to acknowledge to himself that he was no longer first in 
Anne's confidence. Failing to have his way, the lord 
treasurer turned his attention toward discovering who 
had usurped his place in the queen's confidence. To find 
the interloper, it was unnecessary to look beyond the min- 
istry itself. An investigation revealed the fact that both 
Godolphin and the duchess had been superseded in 
Anne's affections by Harley and his cousin, Abigail Hill, 
who acted as his efficient aid. All might have gone well 
with these intriguers and their machinations might have 
remained long undiscovered, had not Lady Marlborough 
found out, purely by accident, that Abigail, who was also 
the duchess's cousin, had been secretly married to Samuel 
Masham in the presence of the queen. What increased 
Godolphin 's fear was the rumor that Harley, St. John, 
and Harcourt were attempting, although without success, 
to gain over such Tory leaders as Hanmer and Bromley, 
by insinuating that the queen was tired of Whig tyranny 

Before the queen made her promise, there were rumors, such as "Dr. Free- 
man is to be Bishop of Chester, a worse could not be thought of." Dart- 
mouth MSS. (H. M. C.), p. 294. 

lAdd. MSS., 4743, f. 80; Annals (1708), p. 372; Hearne, II. 18, 88; 
S. P. Dom., Entry Books, CLI. 144, 153. Potter was Marlborough's protege, 
and he was very insistent upon his appointment. Coxe, II. 101. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 173 

and wanted to be delivered from it. 1 Godolphin 's letters 
to Marlborough display the deepest distress, but neither 
he nor the duke could change Anne's decision. 2 

The secrecy of Anne and Abigail also aroused the re- 
sentment and suspicion of Lady Marlborough, who 
presently began to realize that some one had supplanted 
her in the queen 's affections. Immediately she suspected 
Abigail, and wrote the duke of her fears, but he sug- 
gested that her imagination had gained the better of her 
judgment, and recommended a plain confidential talk 
with the poor relation. The interview which followed 
was stormy and gave little satisfaction to the duchess. 
When appealed to, Anne sullenly supported Abigail, and 
Lady Marlborough was forced to impart her suspicions 
to Godolphin, who was at last thoroughly convinced of 
Harley's double-dealing, and wrote to Marlborough of 
the dangerous crisis in their affairs. In reply, the duke 
sent several letters to his wife and Godolphin, fully ex- 
pecting them to be shown to the queen. Some of them 
contain by implication the threat that if Anne did not 
place her affairs unreservedly in the hands of Godolphin, 
both the general and lord treasurer would resign. One 
may have been addressed directly to the queen, who with- 
out a moment's hesitation took up the challenge. 

Anne's lengthy message to Marlborough shows some- 
thing of her real character. In answer to the complaint 
about ecclesiastical appointments, she insisted that she 
had not broken faith with Godolphin and Marlborough, 
for she could not see how the selection of two such worthy 
men for bishoprics was any breach with the ministry. 

i Burnet, V. 340; Tindal, IV. 484. 

2 Halifax thought she might recall the appointment of Blackall at Exeter. 
Manchester MSS. (H. M. C), p. 90. Anne's letters of July 18 to the 
duchess and that of August 25 to the duke show the firm attitude of the 
queen. Marlb. MSS., p. 41 ; Coxe, II. 99. 



174 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

To the charge that these appointments were dictated by 
Harley, she entered an absolute denial which was con- 
firmed in toto by the secretary himself, who said that he 
neither knew these men nor learned of their promotions 
until it was a matter of common report. 1 

Both the queen and Harley may have spoken truly, but 
appearances are decidedly against them. Anne doubtless 
told the literal truth, for it is probable that the sugges- 
tions may have come directly from Mrs. Masham, though 
at Harley 's instigation, of course. In the case of the 
secretary, it is hardly possible that he was as much in 
the dark about the bishoprics as he pretended to be, for 
his interest and influence in ecclesiastical affairs had 
already become considerable. Nor was his power dimin- 
ishing, because towards the close of October, he was the 
queen 's trusted representative to heal the decided breach 
between the two houses of convocation. 2 A contempo- 
rary believed that Harley and his friends were respon- 
sible for the appointment of the five bishops of Win- 
chester, Chester, Exeter, Ely, and Norwich, respectively, 3 
but satisfactory proof is lacking in the face of the cate- 
gorical denials of Anne and Harley. One other alter- 
native has escaped the attention of careful students of 
the period; namely, that some one else may have acted 
as the queen's adviser, and there is a possibility that the 
man was Archbishop Sharp. 4 

iMarlb. MSS., p. 41; HardwicTce State Papers, II. 483-4; Burnet, V. 
338. Harley 's earlier denials are found in Conduct, pp. 198-9; the later ones 
in Bath MSS., I. 185. 

2Coxe Papers, XXIII. 225; Portl. MSS., IV. 317. 

s Salmon, Modern History, XXV. 431. The Duke of Newcastle wrote to 
Harley, 17 September, 1707: "What accident has made the scales fall from 
the eyes of . . . [Godolphin] for when I came to town he was in love with 
almost all that society [the junto] if not with every individual person of 
them. ' ' Portl. MSS., IV. 448. Somewhat later, Mrs. Masham wrote Harley 
that the "Queen approved your letter to the bishop." lb., 454. 

* "I was just come to town and went to wait upon the Queen," wrote 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 175 

Fortunately, it is not a matter of great moment how 
much the queen, Harley, or Mrs. Masham may have pre- 
varicated; the important thing to keep in mind is the loss 
of power over Anne by Godolphin and the Marlboroughs. 
For the first time since her accession, their power was 
shaken, and the threat of joint resignation had failed to 
alarm Anne as they had calculated ; in fact, it had left her 
more determined than ever to have her way in church 
appointments. She was also vexed by the ceaseless mur- 
murings of the Whigs. "Whoever of the Whigs thinks 
I am to be hectored or frightened into a compliance, tho' 
I am a woman, is mightily mistaken in me," she wrote 
Godolphin. ' ' I thank God I have a soul above that, and 
am too much concerned for my reputation to do anything 
to forfeit it." 1 Fully as alarming to Godolphin was 
Harley 's attempted reconciliation with the Highfliers; 
and more dangerous still was the manifestation of a will- 
ingness on the part of the important Whigs to ally them- 
selves with the Tories in order to discredit a ministry 
which had failed to comply with their wishes. The affair 
of the two bishoprics, therefore, marks the definite alien- 
ation of the queen from the Whigs. 

The junto, of course, had ample reasons for dissatis- 
faction. They had defeated the "tack," and the "invi- 
tation, ' ' while they had made the union possible. In spite 
of all this, they had secured only three seats in the inner 
councils, and of their own group Sunderland had received 
a grudging, conditional appointment. Their requests, 
and later their demands, for more power in the ministry, 
had been delayed or refused outright. In the meantime, 

Sharp in his diary, 3 November, 1707. "The Queen says, she will declare 
the bishops for the vacancies in a little time, and she will have some talk 
with me about it." Sharp, I. 301. 

i From Godolphin MSS., quoted by Mahon, 537. Note that Anne falls 
into the identical expressions that she used when being "hectored" by 
William and Mary. 



176 



ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 



they had been perfecting their organization. The Kit- 
Kat and Calves Head Clubs were made up of energetic 
Whigs of the governing class. 1 Considerable attention 
was also devoted to securing able pamphleteers to 
present their cause to the masses, 2 while such men as 
Shrewsbury were beginning to show some consideration 
for members of the junto. 

The first real rapprochement between the "Whigs and 
Highfliers showed itself at the opening of the first par- 
liament under the union. The subject selected for their 
joint action was a most dangerous one — an investigation 
of the Admiralty — as it involved the administration of 
Anne's husband as lord high admiral, a move which 
brought forth once more the liveliest antagonism of the 
queen. One reason for the investigation, probably, was 
the great scandal that really existed in naval affairs, 3 but 
the political animus behind it was the unparalleled op- 

i John Ashton, Social Life, I. 238-42. 

2 Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, f. 376; Coxe Papers, XIII. 178. 

3 A cursory examination of the State Papers, Domestic, for the navy, 
particularly vol. VI. and S. P. Domestic, Anne, I. 45, 52, 93, and the Ellis 
Papers, Add. MSS., 28890, f. 193, creates a strong presumption that no able 
administrator was connected with the Admiralty until Pembroke succeeded 
Prince George. See also Bouse of Lords MSS. (n. s.), V. 42, 66-100; VI. 8- 
35. For instances where the French fleet created havoc with the commerce of 
the allies, see Luttrell, V. 236, 303, 309; VI. 44, 147, 199, 227; Py. Hist., 
VI. 619-62. Lord Haversham, who was his own press agent, has left his 
speech in the Peers on this subject. It is a good example of early eighteenth- 
century bombast. "Your disasters at sea have been so many, a man scarce 
knows where to begin, your ships have been taken by your enemies as the 
Dutch take your herrings by shoals upon your own coasts, nay your Koyal 
navy itself has not escaped, and these two pregnant misfortunes, are big 
with innumerable mischiefs. Your merchants are beggared, your commerce 
is broke, your trade is gone, your staples and manufactures ruined, the 
Queen has lost her customs, the Parliament must make good the deficiencies, 
while in the meantime our allies have an open and flourishing trade and our 
enemies make use of our ships and seamen too against us. ' ' Carte MSS. 
(Bodl.), CLXXX. 137. The complaints are so numerous that official negli- 
gence might almost be taken for granted, did we not recall that an English- 
man 's grumbling is often the best sign matters are "getting on." 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 177 

portunity it gave for embarrassing the ministry; which- 
ever way the investigation might terminate, it was in- 
evitable that there should be some reflection upon the 
prince, which was certain to cost the ministers a large 
part of the queen's favor. The immediate occasion of 
the move was doubtless the unfortunate loss of the most 
popular English admiral, Sir Cloudesley Shovel, with 
three valuable ships, and the disastrous attack upon the 
Lisbon fleet. 1 

In supporting the move for investigating the Ad- 
miralty, the junto hoped to compel Godolphin to be kinder 
to the Whigs and force Anne to rely more upon them. 
The motion started off auspiciously, since passionate re- 
flections upon official negligence were as popular in Eng- 
land then as two centuries later. Wharton took occasion 
to call attention to the impoverished condition of England 
as a result of the ruinous expenditures of war. Somers 
supported his colleague, but spoke more particularly of 
the terrible mismanagement of naval affairs. Notwith- 
standing the efforts of the ministers and the influence of 
the queen's presence, the customary motion for an ad- 
dress of thanks to her Majesty was tabled by the joint 
action of Whigs and Tories, that they might first con- 
sider the state of the nation. 2 As soon as they began 
these deliberations, Wharton arose once more to present 
a petition of two hundred London merchants, praying 
for relief against privateers. 3 

During the war French privateers became most active, 
and captures were so common that no merchantman 

i Annals (1707), pp. 240-2. 

2 Timberland, II. 180; Burnet, V. 343-7. Kochester, Buckingham, and 
Lord Guernsey were the leading Tories, who helped carry the motion. 
Wharton MSS. (Bodl.), IV. 29; Luttrell, VI. 233-6. 

3 Py. Hist., VI. 597; L. J., XVIII. 341. Similar criticisms of the Ad- 
miralty over the Eussian trade were being made in the Commons. Cham- 
berlen, p. 271; S. P. Dom., Anne, II. 88; Other Side, p. 352; C. J., XV. 464. 



178 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

ventured out with impunity except under strict convoy. 
Moreover, the merchants complained that their vessels 
for Portugal, Virginia, and Flanders had to wait weeks 
and often months before the Admiralty would provide 
a convoy. In 1704, a corn fleet destined for Portugal 
was kept waiting seven months, and early in 1707, a fleet 
of fifty-five vessels bound for Ostend was detained five 
months. Furthermore, even when convoys were pro- 
vided within a reasonable time, they were usually insuffi- 
cient or inefficient, if they chanced to encounter a hostile 
French fleet. Three disasters of particular note had 
occurred within a year. At the moment when the union 
was consummated, although the council of the lord high 
admiral knew that the celebrated French admiral, Four- 
bin, was cruising off the coast, fifty-six merchantmen 
were allowed to sail without any information as to his 
whereabouts, and more than a third of the fleet fell to him 
as booty. A second fleet soon started for Archangel 
under the protection of an English squadron, but was 
attacked by the omnipresent Fourbin with dire conse- 
quences after the convoy had turned back to the Channel. 
A third and larger fleet from Portugal was soon after 
assailed by the same energetic commander and thirty-two 
merchantmen, together with three men-of-war, fell an 
easy prey. 1 

An attempt to fasten the responsibility for such deplor- 
able conditions was embarrassing, even to the men who 

i Burnet, V. 345; Py. Hist., VI. 621-5; Wyon, I. 533; Dartmouth MSS. 
(H. M. C), p. 294; Coke, III. 168; Manchester, Court and Society, II. 259; 
S. P. Dom., Anne, I. 52, 93; L. J., XVIII. 364-91, 405-22. In the first year 
of the war, Burchett reported a serious shortage of convoys. S. P. Dom., 
Naval, passim, particularly folios 97, 135, 143, 148. Additional statements 
about privateering and convoys may be found in S. P. Dom., Anne, III. 99, 
125; IX. 23, 60, 66. The last citation contains a petition from merchants 
complaining of the lack of protection against privateers. S. P. Dom., Naval, 
VII., gives Prince George's answer to their request. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 179 

had brought on the investigation, since Whigs as well as 
Tories knew it would never do to hold the prince account- 
able for the miscarriages, as Anne would never forgive 
the party leaders who disgraced her husband. Indeed, 
it was evident that Prince George was not to blame, as 
his intelligence was wholly unequal to his task. The man 
who stood next to him was his favorite, George Churchill, 
a brother of the Duke of Marlborough, and a "living 
wonder to mankind how the same parents could have 
given birth to two sons so utterly dissimilar in charac- 
ter," 1 for he lacked all the qualifications that made Marl- 
borough so great. The coalition decided to make Church- 
ill the scapegoat and in that way revenge themselves 
upon Marlborough, Godolphin, and the queen. 

The Whigs soon realized that the investigation was 
likely to get out of their hands, because, as their objects 
became attainable, they saw that the Tories were willing 
to go farther and drive Godolphin from office — the last 
thing in the world the Whigs then desired, as it would 
deprive them of their intercessor with the queen. They 
wished only to make him more complaisant, so they began 
to draw off from the Tories and finally refused to sanc- 
tion a motion laying the blame for the mismanagement 
upon the ministry in general. They would go no further 
than to beg Anne to make sea affairs her first and most 
particular care. Indeed, in the face of her opposition 
there was a sudden change of heart on all sides, until it 
appeared that if there had been a "design to remove or 
mortify the admiralty, it had no great support, there 
being that division among the Whigs which I need not 
explain, and none of the Tories appearing to encourage 
any such design." 2 In order to save appearances, Hali- 

iWyon I. 314. See also James, III. 283-5; Other Side, p. 210. 
2 Burnet, V. 343 ; James, III. 287. For the divisions and dissensions 
among the Whigs, consult the Buccleugh MSS. (H. M. C), II. Pt. ii. 718. 



180 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

fax moved that a committee should be appointed to con- 
sider measures for the "encouragement of trade and 
privateers in the West Indies." Of course this was an 
indirect slap at the Admiralty, insinuating that it was in- 
capable of dealing efficiently with such matters. To the 
surprise of both parties, and greatly to the chagrin of 
Churchill and Prince George, Godolphin meekly agreed 
to second this motion. 1 

The Admiralty investigation gained the Whigs nothing, 
and increased Anne's wrath against the junto. Marl- 
borough's power seemed sufficient to protect his brother, 
but the weakness of Godolphin 's position was fully as 
apparent as it had been in the case of the bishoprics. 
Although both Godolphin and the Marlboroughs had been 
intent for three months on displacing Harley, they had 
made little or no headway against him, when Providence 
came fortunately to their assistance. 

In November, 1707, Greg, a disappointed clerk in Har- 
ley 's office, was found in correspondence with France, 2 
and suspicion at once fell upon his superior. Both Marl- 
borough and Godolphin made as much capital as they 
could out of the case, and demanded Harley 's dismissal, 3 
accusing him also of intriguing against the ministry, of 
which he was a member. Unfortunately for their peace 
of mind, the evidence of Harley 's guilt was not sufficient 
to convince Anne, and as always, she refused to part with 
a man whom she still considered a faithful servant. 

Buckingham thought the possibility of a reconciliation of High and Low 
Churchmen was very good. In its third meeting, the committee upon ad- 
miralty affairs would admit only that the merchants had proved their losses. 
James, III. 292. See also ib., III. 360. Vernon asserted, however, that 
Churchill 's presence of mind alone kept the case about the Eussian mer- 
chants from coming to a vote. Coxe Papers, XIII. 199-202. 
i Fy. Hist., VI. 600; Mahon, II. 37-8. 

2 S. P. Dom., Anne, IX. 61, contains the incriminating letter or a copy. 

3 Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, f. 132. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 181 

However, Harley's carelessness, and the unfaithfulness 
of Greg and two other agents, aroused popular distrust, 
which perceptibly weakened his political influence, even 
though all three subordinates steadily insisted that he 
was entirely innocent of any wrongdoing. 

Since August, Marlborough and Godolphin had never 
ceased their efforts to drive Harley from the cabinet 
council, 1 although apparently co-operating with him in 
administrative affairs. At last, wearied by their impor- 
tunities, and alarmed at their joint threat of resignation, 
Anne gave way, partly because Harley insisted that she 
accept his resignation, 2 and partly on account of the 
serious condition of her husband's health, which was so 
critical as to demand the lion's share of her attention at 
the same moment that her own strength was rapidly 
failing. 

However, it was generally understood that the secre- 
tary's enforced resignation did not cost him Anne's con- 
fidence, but rather tended to draw him closer to her, as 
she now began to look upon him as a persecuted man, 
who had suffered because he upheld the principles of 
government that were most dear to her. 3 As a conse- 
quence, he became her private, unofficial political adviser. 
Acting in this capacity, unhampered by the duties of a 
ministerial office, he was free to organize his forces in 
opposition to the ministry. His dismissal compelled 
Godolphin to rely entirely upon the Whigs, and from this 
time forward, the history of his administration is a por- 

i See the letters of Marlborough, Harley, and the queen in Bath MSS., I. 
185; Salomon, p. 14; Morrison, IV. 148. All of them were prior to the 
discovery of Greg's correspondence. 

2 Conduct, p. 213; Portl. MSS., IV. 47; [Defoe], Account of the Conduct 
of Robert, Earl of Oxford, 25. Prince George probably seconded Harley's 
suggestion. Coxe, II. 193; Wilson, Defoe, III. 6. 

3 Conduct, p. 213. See also Defoe's Secret History of White Staff; 
Salomon, p. 13. 



182 ENGLISH POLITICAL PASTIES 

tion of the history of the junto, who came more and more 
to dominate affairs as the weeks went by. 1 More impor- 
tant still, it marks the end of all serious attempts of 
Godolpliin, as well as all future ministers, 2 to guide the 
English government by means of a composite ministry, 
which endeavored to stand above and between the politi- 
cal parties of the day. As Godolpliin 's venture was an 
attempt of this kind, it deserves more careful study than 
it has hitherto received, for it was really a determined 
effort to direct the destinies of the United Kingdom in 
accordance with the will of the queen and her leading 
ministers, whose dependence upon parliament and the 
people was scarcely more marked than it had been under 
Charles II or William III. The celebrated Whig junto, 
although moved by selfish aims, was nevertheless fighting 
the battle for responsible government, when its members 
demanded that Anne put from her a man, who, though 
personally most acceptable to her, refused to keep the 
faith with his fellow ministers. 

During the year 1707, England passed from the hopes 
raised by the union to a despair which was accentuated 
by military reverses, naval miscarriages, and a struggle 
within the ranks of the ministry itself. In effecting the 
union, the influence of the queen had at all stages of the 
negotiations been conspicuous, but particularly so in 
preventing a quarrel between English and Scots after 
the Articles of Union had been actually signed. Anne's 
interest in church matters was most noticeable through- 
out the reign, but she showed her independence in the 
summer of 1707 by filling two bishoprics without the 
knowledge or consent of Godolpliin and the Marl- 

i Dartmouth stated that Godolphin was under the control of the junto 
much earlier than 1708. See Burnet, V. 179-82. 

2 There are a few fleeting exceptions, of course, such as the Coalition 
Ministry of Fox and Lord North, and the War Ministry of 1914. 



THE DISRUPTION OF THE MINISTRY 183 

boroughs. Moreover, she steadily persisted in her re- 
fusal to withdraw her nominations. Faced by an inves- 
tigation of her husband's record as the head of naval 
affairs, Anne and her ministers had defeated the efforts 
of a disappointed Whig and Tory coalition, at a time 
when her ecclesiastical appointments had accentuated the 
rift in the ministry and directed the attack of the junto, 
Godolphin, and the Marlboroughs against Harley, who 
was suspected of being the queen's secret adviser. In 
the contest, the queen was forced to give way, although 
even here, she kept by her side Mrs. Masham to act as a 
go-between with Harley. 



CHAPTER V 

THE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF THE MARL- 
BOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 

(1702-1708) 

In England, of all lands, the royal favorite has ever been 
an object of suspicion. From the time of Piers Gaveston 
and the Despensers to Buckingham and Laud — yes, even 
to the time of Bentinck and Lord North, they have led 
a most precarious existence. The old saying, "Uneasy 
rests the head that wears a crown," might very well be 
restated for England: "More uneasy still rests the head 
that wears the favor of the crown. ' ' 1 Probably no reign 
in English history better illustrates this than that of the 
last of the Stuarts, who had many favorites. Starting 
with Sarah Jennings, she attached herself for a season 
to Sidney, Earl of Godolphin, then to Harley, and finally 
to Abigail Hill and the Duchess of Somerset ; and of these 
five, three were in disgrace when her eventful reign came 
to its exciting close. 

Of the companions of her own sex, Lady Marlborough 
is best known, and her influence at the beginning of the 
reign was unquestionably large. Her political power is 
usually considered the motive force in the government 
during the first half of the reign. It is, therefore, advis- 
able to study her relations with the queen prior to 1709, 
to discover, if possible, the comparative importance of 
each in public affairs. We shall first notice the state- 
ments of a few typical secondary authorities as to the 

i See a political letter of Defoe to Harley in E. H. B., XXII. 132. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 185 

queen's subservience, and then examine the sources 
themselves. 

Such writers as Wyon, Sismondi, Smollett, Cunning- 
ham, Lecky, Macaulay, and his grand-nephew, Trevelyan, 
state 1 emphatically that the queen was greatly under the 
influence of the duchess, but not one gives any satisfac- 
tory evidence for his conclusions. So it is fairer to take 
the statement of a writer who does cite contemporary 
evidence to support his assertion. In his account of 
Anne's reign, Leadam is very critical of the queen's 
ability and says that Spanheim, the Prussian ambassador, 
had a poor opinion of her authority and intelligence. 2 
As Spanheim is not quoted, or any reference given, we 
are left in the dark as to his exact opinion. But granting 
full force to Leadam 's interpretation of Spanheim 's esti- 
mate, 3 two things must be considered. First, that Anne 
usually intrusted foreign affairs entirely to her ministers, 
for, realizing her limitations in diplomacy, she left all 
negotiations to her advisers ; and, secondly, that she had 
an unconquerable aversion to the Hanoverians and all 
things German, and a sufficient impression of her dislike 
may have reached Spanheim to make him a prejudiced 
observer. 

Fortunately, Leadam goes further, and refers to an 
observation which the duchess made to Lord Cowper. 4 

i Wyon, II. 531; Sismondi, Hist, des Frangais, XXVI. 328; T. Smollett, 
Hist, of Eng., I. 415, 451 ; Cunningham, Hist, of Gr. Brit., I. 258 ; Lecky, 
I. 33 ; Macaulay, p. 901 ; G. M. Trevelyan, Eng. under the Stuarts, p. 480. 
Other typical statements relative to the queen may be found in Belloc, 
Lingard's Hist, of Eng., XI. 81; Eeid, pp. 38-9; Thomas, p. 32; Strickland, 
XII. 378. The views of the German scholars are the same as the rest. 
Von Noorden, Bolingoroke, p. 105; W. Michael, Eng. Gesch., I. 227-8. 

2 Leadam, p. 222. See also Thomson, II. 518-9. 

3 E. Spanheim, Relation de la Cour d'Angleterre. If Leadam has this 
source in mind, it is doubtful if he is justified in drawing any such con- 
clusion from it. This document is printed in E. H. B., II. 757-73. 

* "The Queen has no original thoughts on any subject; is neither good 



186 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Her statement, when examined, is not convincing, as it 
sounds more like an explanation of the duchess than a 
criticism of the queen's intelligence or initiative, while 
it is not borne out by the duchess's autobiography, which 
may also be termed a biography of the queen. Moreover, 
Lady Marlborough's reflections were made soon after 
her disgrace, when she might be expected to feel bitter. 
Furthermore, it says nothing, unless by implication, 
about Anne's being in the hands of others. Taking his 
evidence at its best, Leadam fails to make out a strong 
case against the queen, but he does not stop at this, as he 
maintains that her dislikes and prejudices were personal 
and not political. 1 Granting the truth of this assertion, 
it says nothing derogatory to Anne's strength of char- 
acter, as it might be said equally well of one of the great- 
est of American executives — Andrew Jackson — who was 
certainly never criticized for lack of will power. Indeed, 
out of the multitude of writers that have dealt with this 
period, few dissent from the currently accepted view, 
and but one or two at all definitely. 2 In most instances, 
secondary writers accept Macaulay's impressions of the 
princess, and apply them to the queen without thinking 
that her character might have developed with years, or 
under the responsibilities she encountered as ruler. 

nor bad, but as put into; that she has much love and passion, while pleased 
for those who please; and can write pretty affected letters; but do nothing 
else well. ' ' Cowper, Diary, p. 49. Compare this with her ' ' Opinions. ' ' 
"Queen Anne was religious without affectation; she always meant well; 
she had no false ambition ; which appeared by her never complaining at 
King William 's being preferred to the crown before her. ' ' Bernards upon 
the Conduct, p. 20. See also Atterbury's sermon before the Commons. 
Stackhouse, Life of Atterbury, p. 32. 

i For a stronger statement, see Molloy, Queen 's Comrade, I. 52. 

2 Burton is very discreet in his estimates. I. 28. Eoscoe (Harley) is less 
severe. A. L. Cross varies slightly from the old view. Hist, of Eng. and 
Greater Br., p. 650. W. F. Lord (Hist, of Parties, pp. 118-21) asserts that 
Anne's influence in political affairs has been much underestimated, but he 
deals with the latter part of the reign. 



THE MARLBOKOUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 187 

It is now necessary to examine the works of some im- 
portant contemporary writers dealing with the reign, to 
learn their impressions of the queen. Abel Boyer was 
one of the most prolific of them all, but a careful exami- 
nation of his Annals and his Political State, with their 
digest, the History of the Reign of Anne, reveals nothing 
very uncomplimentary to her intelligence or self-asser- 
tion, although his opportunities for observation were 
excellent. 1 

Several anonymous contemporaries 2 wrote lives of 
Anne, and in no instance is there reference to such a state 
of affairs as portrayed by Wyon, Trevelyan, and Yon 
Noorden. Lecliard, in his Marlborough, is another who 
fails to assign to her the role of figurehead, and at least 
intimates the reverse. 3 One of the keenest observers of 
affairs at court, where he assumed an important place, 
was Burnet, the dynamic Bishop of Salisbury. His His- 

i It must be conceded, however, that barring the usual ceremonial form 
of address, nothing very favorable is said. "The Queen, though good- 
natured, indulgent, and easily governed by those about her, when used with 
obsequiousness, complaisance and becoming respect, was yet extremely 
jealous of her prerogative, irreconcilable to those who once treated her 
irreverently, and sullenly tenacious of her resolutions." Boyer, p. 471. He 
conceded earlier that the duchess controlled all "court favors." lb., p. 177. 
Here, however, he was trying to show that the concentration of so much 
power in the hands of the Marlboroughs had aroused the fears of the Whigs 
and Tories. 

2 Queen Anne, Her Life and Beign (1738) ; The History of the Life and 
Reign of Queen Anne (1722) ; An Impartial History of the Life and Beign 
of Her Late Excellent Majesty (1738); The Life of Queen Anne (1742). 
There are no political reasons for Boyer 's silence on such points in his his- 
tory, published eight years after Anne's death, but under the cover of 
anonymity, the writers referred to above certainly were not deterred by 
personal reasons from telling the truth. Contemporary pamphleteers cer- 
tainly made the most of Anne's intemperance. 

3 II. 450. One pamphleteer is plentiful in her praise. ' ' She is pos- 
sessed of a greatness of soul, not easily alarmed or disordered, as are gen- 
erally others of her sex, but sedately considering affairs, and weighing their 
various events. Her resolution cannot be shaken by vain rumors or at- 
tempts of her enemies." W. Cockburn, An Essay upon the Propitious and 



188 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

tory of My Own Time deserves careful attention, but it 
only says that the duchess was looked upon by violent 
Tories "as the person who had reconciled the Whigs to 
the Queen, from whom she was naturally averse. ' n This 
is not given as his personal opinion, but rather as a rumor 
suggestive of the spirit of the High Church Tories in 
1704. Moreover, Anne was not then in sympathy with 
the Whigs, although she felt under obligations to them 
for saving her from the insolence of the Tories. Indeed, 
Lady Marlborough's attempts to reconcile her to the 
Whigs were in the main unsuccessful. Chamberlen's 
estimate of the duchess's influence is never put in such 
terms as would justify the conclusions of Leadam ; Harri- 
son remains silent as to the queen's vassalage; Coke fails 
to record such extreme dependence; Gibson's opinions 
are of the same nature, while Swift's testimony as a 
whole is in favor of the queen's independence. 2 

Indeed, no contemporary goes so far as do the later 
students of the reign. One of the most extreme is Thomas 
Birch, who, in his Biographical Anecdotes, wrote, "As 
both parties in their turns were greatly disobliged and 
offended, I cannot recollect any praises which have been 
bestowed upon her for personal steadiness and wisdom." 
This statement loses much of its force when we remember 
that Dr. Birch was a rabid Dissenter, holding Anne re- 
sponsible for the propaganda in favor of the Occasional 
Conformity Bill, which he called persecution. 3 

Glorious 'Reign (1710), pp. 52-3. Defoe in the Dyet of Poland refers to 
Anne as the ' ' Great Augustus. ' ' 

i Burnet, V. 230. See also H. C. Foxcroft, Supplement to Burnet, pp. 
153, 247. 

2 Chamberlen, pp. 27, sq.; C. Harrison, An Impartial History of the Life 
and Eeign (1744); Coke, III. passim,', [Gibson], Memoirs of Queen Anne 
(1729). See Swift's Journal to Stella, Four Last Years of the Queen's 
Ministry, and Conduct of the Allies. Bonet's view is given in Von Noorden, 
I. 189. 

s Birch MSS., Add. MSS., 4221, f. 24. See also Other Side, p. 11. 



THE MAKLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 189 

While this non-conformist accused Anne of intolerance, 
Hearne, the zealous non-juror, insisted that she was too 
favorable to the Dissenters and Low Churchmen, because 
he thought she was under the domination of the duchess, 
whom he detested. Still more pointed is a memorandum 
in the Carte MSS. : "No sovereign was ever more gov- 
erned by her favourites than she was, but like other weak 
princes, she strove to conceal it from the public." 1 Un- 
fortunately, we know neither the writer nor the date of 
this fragment, so it lacks a great deal of being good his- 
torical evidence. It might well have been jotted down 
by Carte, himself a non-juror, months, perhaps years 
after the reign had closed, as the impressions given by 
some one else; since this was his habit in preparing 
materials for writing his history. In some respects, the 
most cutting criticism of Anne comes from Cardinal 
Gualterio, who wrote to one of his friends: "We have to 
deal with a Princess, weak in body and mind, with a hus- 
band less capable than herself . . . and in the hands of 
a faction." 2 The cardinal's statements are open to 
question, however, as he wished to encourage the Jacob- 
ites both in England and France to attempt a restoration 
of the old Stuart line. Voltaire was not a contemporary, 
and gained his ideas from the satellites of the Hanove- 
rian Court, but even he goes little farther than to say 
that Anne was a "woman of but very middling talents." 3 

It is interesting to note that before the reign had really 
begun, the Earl of Chesterfield expressed the hope that 
if Queen Anne "would have no favourites, but choose a 

i Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CXXV. 100. These seem to be some notes upon 
Swift's Change of Ministry. John Ker of Kersland, a Jacobite, spoke of 
her "mean capacity." Memoirs of Ker of Kersland, II. 115. 

2 Gualterio Papers, Add. MSS., 20242, ff. 128-9. Lord Haversham, who 
hated the duchess, spoke of her asa" she favourite, ' ' in his speech of Feb. 
15, 1707. 

s Age of Louis XIV, II. 226. 



190 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

wise council and rely upon a Parliament, she might have 
so glorious a reign as to eclipse that of Queen Elizabeth ; 
but the event of all things depends on fate, or rather 
providence." 1 This fragment is not conclusive, since it 
says nothing about what actually did occur. 

Fortunately, in solving this perplexing problem, the 
testimony of Lady Marlborough is available in full, com- 
plete form, corroborated by numerous letters. The 
Conduct was written long after Anne had disgraced the 
duchess, so it would not be unduly favorable to the queen. 
Though subject, of course, to the vagaries of the human 
memory, time had nevertheless softened down much of 
the rancor felt by the duchess in 1712, when her caustic 
"Opinions" were penned. This autobiography, there- 
fore, contains a good statement of the relations existing 
between queen and favorites. 

An easy method of testing the influence of Lady Marl- 
borough is to ascertain the part she played in appoint- 
ments. After conceding, as a matter of general report, 
that she was practical dictator in state affairs, the 
duchess said that the choice of Anne's first ministry "was 
against my wishes and inclinations," and she strenu- 
ously objected to the queen's "throwing herself almost 
entirely into the hands of the Tories." 2 She speaks re- 
peatedly of the difficulties she encountered in attempting 
to bring Whigs into the ministry. "I resolved therefore, 
from the very beginning of the Queen's reign," she said, 
"to try whether I could not by degrees, make impression 
on her mind more favourable to the Whigs ; and though 
my instances with her had not at first any considerable 

1 Coke MSS., III. 1. A letter to Robert Walpole on this topic is found 
in the Coxe Papers, XV. 2-3. 

2 Conduct, p. 122. Cf. Cooke, II. 577. L 'Hermitage disapproved of all 
the leading ministers except Godolphin and Marlborough, Rijks Archief, 
26A 5 May, 1702. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 191 

effect, I believe, I may venture to say, it was, in some 
measure owing to them, that her ministry, did, against 
her inclinations, contain several of this party. ' n It must, 
then, have been an arduous task to convince Anne that 
the Whigs were suitable agents for carrying out her 
wishes, as she felt that all Whigs must be at heart repub- 
licans, whose main purpose was to limit the prerogative 
of the crown, and endanger the privileges of the church. 2 
She well knew the humiliations to which they had sub- 
jected William, and she wished to avoid a similar expe- 
rience. Moreover, the Whig leaders had been conspicu- 
ously against Anne during her quarrels with Queen Mary, 
and she was never able to endure some of them for that 
reason, if for no other. 3 

Anne's struggle with the king and queen had brought 
her very close to the Marlboroughs. After the deaths of 
Talmash and William, Marlborough remained the only 
efficient general in England. Thus to add weight to the 
factor of friendship, was the crying demand for a capable 
man to wage war against France, which Anne could meet 
successfully only by appointing him captain general. 

In the political arena, the situation was peculiar. Marl- 
borough was a moderate Tory, so far as he could be said 
to hold any political affiliations at all. In times past, his 
wife had been more of a Tory than he, but the marriage 
of her daughter to Sunderland's heir had brought her 
conversion to the Whigs as early as 1702. Prince George 
was probably of the same persuasion as Lady Marl- 

i Conduct, p. 126. See also Salomon, p. 12. A letter written by Anne to 
the duchess shows that she was not convinced by Lady Marlborough 's rea- 
soning. Molloy, Queen's Comrade, I. 297. Mrs. Thomson believed that 
Anne refused to listen to the duchess's suggestions. Memoirs, I. 324. See 
also Other Side, p. 157. 

2 Marlb. MSS., p. 53 ; Macaulay, Essay on Addison. 

3 Remarks upon the . . . Conduct, pp. 41-3; Review of a late Treatise, 
p. 7. 



192 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

borough, whereas Anne was a High Church Tory. Godol- 
phin, like Marlborough, stood between the duchess and 
the queen in a political way, while all four of them, save 
possibly the duchess, wished to be above and between 
political parties, 1 without being accountable to either 
of them. 

Before the new reign was well begun, it was manifest 
that Mrs. Freeman and her "dear Mrs. Morley" were 
not entirely of one accord in their political ideas. As 
soon as the ministry was decided upon, the former began 
her attempt to convert the queen to the Whigs, and to 
bring her son-in-law into Anne's good graces, in order 
to increase the influence of her family in the government. 
Her own confessions, as well as Anne's letters, show how 
difficult was the task. 

Four days after meeting her first parliament, Anne 
wrote a letter, which explains the political ideas of both 
women: "I am very glad to find by my dear Mrs. Free- 
man's, that I am blest with yesterday, that she liked my 
speech, but I cannot help being extremely concerned, you 
are so partial to the Whigs, because I would not have 
[us] . . . differ in opinion in the least thing. What I 
said when I writ last upon this subject does not proceed 
from any insinuations of the other party ; but I know the 
principles of the Church, and I know those of the Whigs, 
and it is that, and no other reason, which makes me think 
as I do of the last. And . . . upon my word . . . you 
are mightily mistaken in your nature of a true Whig. 
For the character you give them, does not in the least 
belong to them, but to the Church. But I will say no 
more on the subject, only beg for my poor sake, that you 

i Morrison, I. 24. Eijks Archief (26 A ) gives L 'Hermitage 's idea of Marl- 
borough's position as stated above. Byan thought Anne wished to form 
a third party, which the duchess's enemies dubbed the "Zarazavians." 
See, however, Mrs. Manley's Zarah and the Zarazavians. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 193 

would not show more countenance to those you seem to 
have so much inclination for, than to the Church party. ' " 

Anne was thus convinced neither of the virtues of the 
Whigs nor of the validity of Sarah's arguments in their 
favor, and urged her favorite to get in touch with the 
Tories. "I am firmly persuaded that, notwithstanding, 
her extraordinary affection for me," wrote the duchess 
some years later, "and the entire devotion which my 
Lord Marlborough and my Lord Godolphin had for many 
years shown for her service, they would not have so great 
a share of her favor and confidence, if they had not been 
reckoned in the number of the Tories." 2 There are also 
some signs of the rift between the friends, which was 
finally to embitter the lives of both. Whether the begin- 
ning of their trouble lay in the behavior of Lady Marl- 
borough at Gloucester's death, as is believed by some, 
or in the episode of the gloves, which is exploited by Miss 
Strickland and distorted by Voltaire, or in some totally 
different incident, is of little consequence, as striking 
differences of opinion already existed. 

However, the queen's real emotions were not then 
visible to Lady Marlborough, for Anne was an artist in 
dissembling her feelings. This has not usually been 
understood, despite the testimony of Dean Swift that 
11 there was not, perhaps in all England, a person who 
understood more artificially [how] to disguise her pas- 
sions." 3 So, perfectly oblivious of the fact that her 
power was gradually slipping away, the duchess per- 
severed in trying to convert her royal mistress to the 
policies of the Whigs. After a time, she realized that 

i Conduct, p. 128. See also Swift's Sentiments of a Church of England 
Man; Marlb. MSS., p. 53. 

2 Conduct, pp. 124-5; Burton, I. 57. 

3 Swift, Queen's Last Ministry ; Swift's Works (Scott ed.), III. 325. See 
also Berry, Social Life of France and England, I. 225 ; Torrens, Hist, of 
Cabinets, pp. 46-7 ; Von Noorden, I. 202 ; Priv. Cor., II. 458. 



194 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

her ministrations were ineffective but she could not 
understand why, and continued her attempts to turn Anne 
away from the Tories, who unwittingly were playing 
into Lady Marlborough's hands through their insistence 
upon the Occasional Conformity Bill. Even then, the 
queen refused assent to her favorite's views of the 
Tories. "I have the same opinion of Whig and Tory I 
ever had," she wrote, "I know both their principles very 
well, and when I know myself to be in the right, nothing 
can alter mine. It is very certain there are good and ill 
people of both sorts, and I can see all the faults of one 
as well as of the other, and I am not deluded by anyone's 
calling themselves of the Church, for God knows there 
are too many that talk of religion that have no true sense 
of it, but because there are some hot headed men among 
those that are called Tories, I can't for my life think it 
reasonable to brand all of them with the name of Jacobite, 
when without doubt there are many of them that will be 
as much for the liberty of their religion and country as 
any who would have none thought so but themselves." 1 
The queen was now willing to listen to criticisms of the 
Tories, but insisted that the party should not be con- 
demned for the deeds of the few. Not only Anne's resent- 
ment over the "tack" but also her attitude towards the 
union threw her into opposition to the Tories. She sus- 
pected some of them but she was not thoroughly convinced 
of their double-dealing until they sought to embarrass her 
by the "invitation." "She had been present at the de- 
bates in the . . . Lords upon the subject, and had heard 
. . . Buckingham treat her with great disrespect," 
records the duchess. "Such rude treatment from the 
Tories, and the zeal and success of the Whigs in opposing 
the motion so extremely disagreeable to her, occasioned 
her change of mind." Lady Marlborough herself thus 

i Marlb. MSS., p. 51. See also Conduct, p. 137; Salomon, p. 12. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 195 

confessed that Anne changed her attitude towards the 
Tories, not because of her friends' arguments, but solely!/ 
on account of the Tories' insulting behavior. Personal I 
feelings, then, not political philosophy, governed tlie / 
queen's decision to abandon the Highfliers. 

Anne soon authorized "Godolphin to give the utmost 
assurances to the chief men of the Whigs, that she would 
place herself and her affairs into such hands as they 
should approve." 1 Yet this promise was not kept imme- 
diately. She dismissed the obnoxious leaders one by one, 
and not until after the election of 1705 did she deem it 
advisable to allow the Whigs important seats in the 
council. Meanwhile the duchess began to fear lest Anne 
should become too independent in her political policies 
and show too much favor to the Tories. 2 Even Cowper, 
a moderate Whig, was accepted only after considerable 
delay and consideration. For a season the most earnest 
entreaties of Lady Marlborough availed nothing, al- 
though Anne finally did agree to take the great seal away 
from Wright and appoint Cowper, whose political ideas 
she disliked. The queen's letter to Godolphin well illus- 
trates the methods and influence of Godolphin and the 
Marlboroughs over her appointments. "Your telling me 
yesterday that when you weare at London, you would 
consider to whom it would be proper to give the Great 
£>eale, is the occasion of my giveing you this trouble at 
this time, for I think it is all ways best to tell one's 
thoughts freely before one takes a final resolution of this 
nature, and therefore I cannot help saying I wish very 
much that there may be a moderate Tory found for this 
employment, for I must own to you I dread the falling 
into the hands of either party, and the Whigs have had 
so many fayvours shewed them of late that I fear a very 

i Conduct, pp. 159-60. 

2 See the duke's letter to his wife, August, 1705, Colville, p. 149. 



196 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

few more will putt me insensibly into their power, which 
I 'me sure you would not have happen no more then I." 

Apparently the queen had talked the case over with 
the duchess and found that she favored the Whigs. At 
any rate, Anne continued : ' ; I know my dear unkind Mrs. 
Freeman has so good an opinion of all that party that to 
be sure she will use all her endeavours to get you to pre- 
vaile with me to put one of them into this great post, and 
I cannot help being apprehensive that not only she but 
others may be desirous to have one of the heads of them 
in possession of the Seale, but I hope in God you will 
never think that reasonable for that would be an unex- 
pressible uneasyness and mortification to me ; there is no 
body I can rely on but yourself to bring me out of all my 
difficulties, and I do put an intire confidence in you, not 
doubting but you will do all you can to keep me out of 
the power of the mercyless men of both partys, and to 
the end make choice of one for Lord Keeper that will be 
the likelyest to prevent that danger." 1 

In such words Anne clearly indicated that she took an 
intelligent and important part in deciding who should 
hold offices under the crown. It points also to the fact 
that she knew her favorite's ideas on the subject but had 
no desire to follow them, and warned the lord treasurer 
against being unduly influenced by her arguments. Most 
important of all, it expresses her great desire to govern 
without the aid of any party. In spite of this letter, 
Cowper was appointed, and from that it would seem that 
the duchess's candidate did prevail, for Cowper was not 
the favored applicant of Godolphin or the queen, but this 
conclusion does not necessarily follow, as Harley was 
also enthusiastically supporting Cowper. 2 

i Godolphin -Osborne Papers, Add. MSS., 28070, f. 12. 
2 Bath MSS., I. 64; Burnet, V. 225. Godolphin is said to have told 
Dartmouth that Cowper was not to his liking. No ministerial appointment 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 197 

Shortly after this appointment, the queen decided to 
grant the Whigs more representation in her councils. 
"I believe, dear Mrs. Freeman," she wrote, "we shall 
not disagree as we have formerly done. I am sensible of 
the service those people have done me of whom you have 
a good opinion, and will countenance them. And I am 
thus thoroughly convinced of the malice and insolence 
of others you have always been speaking against." 1 
Anne intended not only to show favor to the Whigs, but 
also to flatter the duchess into believing that it was her 
influence that had caused this change of mind, which in 
truth was due to the ingratitude of the Tories. The 
queen's friendly attitude to the Whigs did not last long, 
and she soon began to manifest signs of discontent at the 
arrogance of the junto when they tried to force Sunder- 
land into the ministry. 

The struggle of the junto to gain entrance to the 
queen's inner councils is thus very important in deter- 
mining the part played by the duchess in filling important 
places, since the secretary of state was one of the most 
influential officers in the cabinet. Upon Nottingham's 
resignation, Hedges was for a few weeks sole secretary. 
When Harley succeeded Nottingham, he remained as 

of this half of the reign aroused so much comment as that of Cowper. 
Hearne (I. 60) has several reflections on his appointment, among them a 
poem of advice to the queen, one stanza of which runs: 
' ' One Cooper to your Uncle was untrue, 
Another, Anna, may be so to you; 
Can he thy honour and thy conscience keep 
Unspotted, when his own is fast asleep? 
Let Cullon witness this, whose wretched Ghosts 
Proclaims this — She who trusts to him is lost. ' ' 
See also ib., I. 53, 56, 178; Wharton MSS. (Bodl.), IV. 27-8. Rawlinson 
MSS. (Bodl.), D. 89 B , also touches on this appointment. 

i Conduct, p. 159. See also Wyon, I. 385. It is possible that as late as 
May 30, 1705, Anne kept up negotiations with Rochester and Nottingham. 
Portl. MSS., IV. 190; Conduct, pp. 154-5. 



198 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Harley's colleague in the secretariat. Hedges was a 
Tory of moderate principles, but was particularly ob- 
noxious to the duchess, who thought that since his ap- 
pointment had been originally secured by Rochester, 1 the 
earl still retained his dominion over him. So, although 
his administration of affairs was relatively efficient, Lady 
Marlborough wished his place for Sunderland. 

In selecting ministers Anne's motives were fundamen- 
tally personal. After a time her objections of a political 
nature might be overcome, as in the case of Cowper, but 
when her personal aversion was joined to political dis- 
approval, the difficulty of gaining her consent was im- 
measurably greater. Anne disliked Sunderland. He was 
rash, outspoken, prided himself on his republicanism, and 
had dared to vote against Prince George's pension. 
Moreover, he was a Whig, and worse still, a leading 
member of the group that directed that party. Finally, 
he belonged to the powerful Marlborough family, and his 
appointment would add still more to its influence, and 
noticeably increase the envy with which that self-seeking 
family was regarded, not only by politicians, but by the 
masses. 2 

As Marlborough's son-in-law, and the favorite of the 
duchess, the junto sought to use him to gain a foothold in 
the council, and served notice upon Godolphin that 
Sunderland must immediately be admitted to the min- 
istry. 3 All of the treasurer's energies were now directed 
towards that end. Notwithstanding Anne's earlier assur- 
ances, he had session after session with her, but with 
little result. When she was at last shown that she must 
choose between putting herself again into the hands of 

i Conduct, p. 168. 

2Macaulay, p. 2724; Birch Papers, Add. MSS., 4223, f. 302. 
3 Conduct, pp. 164-7. Some of the Whigs probably distrusted Sunder- 
land. See Bemarks upon the . . . Conduct, p. 48. 






THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 199 

the fanatical Highfliers, or give Sunderland a place, she 
temporized. Both Marlborough and Godolphin felt her 
displeasure, as is shown in the duke's letter to his wife: 
"And hence the resolution is taken to vex and ruin 91 
[Godolphin] because 83 [Anne] has not complied with 
what was desired for 117 [Sunderland], I shall hence- 
forward despise all mankind, and I think there is no such 
thing as virtue, for I know with what zeal 91 has pressed 
83 in the matter. I do pity him, and shall always love 
him as long as I live ; and never be a friend to any that 
can be his enemy. I have writ my mind freely to 83 on 
this occasion, so that whatever happens, I shall have a 
quiet mind." 1 

Anne remained obdurate, but intimated in a letter that 
she would give Sunderland a place when one became 
vacant; to this the Whigs were much averse, because it 
served to delay their plans. To Anne's letter, Godolphin 
replied by an even longer one, but she stood firm for some 
time, and then promised to admit Sunderland to the 
council without a portfolio, 2 and grant him a pension. 
Although she had already sent him as her special repre- 
sentative to Vienna, 3 these promises were unsatisfactory 
and failed to mollify him or his fellows, and it looked as 
though the junto would, by their repeated threats, compel 
Godolphin to resign. In all this Harley seems to have 
taken an important although quiet part, and after the 
lord treasurer was worn out by the demands of the Whig 
leaders, it fell to him to attempt to propitiate them. 4 His 
success seems to have been at most but temporary, as the 

i Conduct, p. 164. This message shows clearly that early in the reign 
Godolphin began to lose his power over Anne. 

2Coxe Papers, XLI. 23; Morrison, I. 24, 50 (2d Series). This last long 
letter reads very much like the scheme of a shrewd politician. 

3 Birch Papers, Add. MSS., 4223, f . 302 ; Luttrell, V. 560, 566. 

4 Bath MSS., I. 74. 



200 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

junto, particularly Sunderland and Wharton, were im- 
patient to enjoy places in the ministry. 

To the efforts of Godolphin and Harley, Marlborough 
at first gave a tardy and reluctant acquiescence, and then 
actively championed Sunderland's cause, after he had 
been given some assurance that the young nobleman 
would exercise more prudence for the future than he had 
ever exhibited in the past. 1 The duke's letters were as 
fruitless as had been the efforts of Godolphin. 2 Anne's 
first excuse was that she had no sufficient reason to dis- 
miss Hedges, whose work had always been to her liking, 
but she did not hesitate to say that she had political and 
personal objections to Sunderland. "I must own freely 
to you," she replied to Godolphin, "that I am of the 
opinion making a party man secretary of state when 
there are so many of their friends in employment of all 
kinds already, is throwing myself into the hands of a 
party which is a thing I have been desirous to avoid & 
what I have heard both the Duke of Marlborough and 
you say I must never do." 3 Towards the close she voiced 
a most natural fear that she would be unable to get along 
with the impetuous earl. 

Anne's reply was unanswerable, as both Marlborough 
and Godolphin realized. However, they had to do some- 
thing, since the junto refused to aid them in the next 
session unless Sunderland was given both a portfolio and 
a seat in the council. As a result, Godolphin, after beg- 

i " I did in a former letter beg her Majesty 's favor for Lord Sunder- 
land, and I should be obliged to you in making it easy, as well as putting 
the Queen in mind of bringing him into her service. I am well assured of 
his zeal and that he will behave as he ought to do. ' ' Marlborough to 
Godolphin, Coxe Papers, XIX. 206. Coxe thought that Marlborough was 
intermediary between Anne and Harley, as well as between Anne and the 
Whigs. Coxe, ch. 51. See also Strickland, XII. 137; Thomas, pp. 246-8. 

2 Coxe Papers, XVIII. 106-7; ib., XX. 85. 

3 Morrison, I. 24. This letter exhibits Anne 's political sagacity. It is 
frank, pointed, and attacks all the weak points in Godolphin 's demands. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 201 

ging Marlborough to hasten back to England, did his best 
to answer the queen. ' ' That this will throw you into the 
hands of a party, I beg your Majesty's leave to be a little 
larger upon this head," he wrote, "because I take it to 
be the main point, and because I am also very clearly of 
opinion that this is the surest if not the only way to keep 
you from falling into the hands of a party, which you 
seem so much to dread." 1 His arguments were futile, 
and the struggle went on. 

In their despair, the junto once more called Harley 
into consultation. Sunderland, in particular, could en- 
dure no more, and he angrily called attention to these 
conferences with Harley and Godolphin, when the junto 
resolved that what the latter had promised "must be 
done, or they and 202 [Godolphin] must have nothing 
more to do together about business, and we must let all 
our friends know just how the matter stands between us 
and 202, whatever is the consequence of it. " 2 Still results 
did not come, as Anne seemed in no hurry to admit Sun- 
derland to the ministry. Marlborough returned home 
after his victory at Ramillies, and tactfully added his 
appeals to those of his wife and Godolphin. At last, 
Anne was borne down with constant importunities which 
were probably seconded in secret as well as in public by 
Harley, who concluded that the future held more for him 
with the Whigs in control than if the Tory zealots came 
back into power. The queen realized, as well, that only a 
united ministry could bring about the union with Scot- 

i Morrison (2d Series), I. 51. See also Coxe Papers, XX. 92. 

2 Coxe Papers, XLI. 55-6. This letter sheds light upon the temperament 
of Sunderland, who had relied upon the influence of the duchess. lb., 13. 
Earlier than this the duchess had made such a threat to Anne. ' ' When 
they [the Whigs] are forced to leave your service you will then indeed find 
yourself in the hand of a violent party who I am sure will have very little 
mercy or even humanity for you. ' ' Conduct, p. 1 64. Harley 's part in the 
affair rests upon the proper deciphering of this letter. 



202 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

land, and she capitulated, but only upon the express con- 
dition that Sunderland should resign, if his actions failed 
to please her. Without such a proviso to save her pride, 
she would probably never have yielded. 1 

After more than a year's siege, the junto won their 
victory over Anne, who had sought to stand above all 
factions. Nevertheless, their assiduity would probably 
have failed even with Sunderland's promises of good 
behavior, had it not been for Marlborough's great per- 
sonal influence after Ramillies, and the need of the junto's 
aid in carrying the union. Even then there was little 
graciousness in her surrender, as the tender heart of 
Godolphin bears witness. "You chide me," he wrote the 
duchess, "for being touched with the condition in which 
I saw the Queen. You would have been so, too, if you 
had seen the same sight as I did; but what troubles me 
most in the affair is, that one can't find any way of mak- 
ing . . . [her] sensible of 83 's [her] mistake, for I am 
sure she thinks 83 entirely in the right." 2 He was quite 
correct, Anne never forgot nor forgave this humiliation. 

In addition to displaying the slender hold Godolphin 
had on power, this contest indicates that Marlborough 
was not secure either in his position with the queen or 
in his relations with the junto. No one, save Marl- 
borough and Harley, was more aware of how reluctantly 
Anne allied herself with the Whigs than was St. John. 
' ' I should be glad, ' ' he wrote, ' ' to know what temper you 
found the gentlemen in, whether they will think it reason- 

i Marlb. MSS., p. 42; Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7075, f. 71, 7058, f. 78; 
Bath MSS., I. 132; S. P. Dom., Anne, VIII. 101, 120A; Hanover Papers, 
Stowe MSS., 222, f. 481. Some attribute to Mrs. Burnet considerable re- 
sponsibility for Sunderland's appointment. Clarke and Foxcroft, Burnet, 
p. 431. Notwithstanding Anne's assurances to Godolphin, "It was not until 
after much solicitation that her Majesty could be prevailed upon so far to 
oblige the Whigs. ' ' The duchess in Conduct, p. 160. 

2?to. Cor., I. 66. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 203 

able to support the Queen who has nothing to ask but 
what we are undone if we do not grant ; and who, if she 
does make use of hands they do not like, has been forced 
to it by the indiscretion of our friends. The real founda- 
tion of difference between the two parties is removed, and 
she seems to throw herself on the gentlemen of England, 
who had much better have her at the head of 'em than any 
ringleaders of fashion. Unless gentlemen can show that 
her administration puts the Church or State in danger, 
they must own the contest to be about persons ; and if it 
be so can any honest man hesitate which side to take." 1 

The absence of all reference to the duchess is signifi- 
cant, and coupled with the other letters just examined, 
would tend to make one suspect that the latter 's influence 
upon general political affairs even up to 1706 was less 
vital than has been supposed. Throughout the reign, the 
queen never lost her spirit of favoritism toward the 
Tories, even when they ceased to support her. As a 
matter of fact, Anne 's tardy acquiescence in carrying out 
the wishes of the Marlboroughs widened the gulf between 
herself and Mrs. Freeman. 

Some writers, who emphasize the political importance 
of the favorite, insist that she practically dictated the 
selection of court officials. In the case of the first minis- 
try, we have found this untrue, according to her own con- 
fession, as well as that of others, 2 while political necessity 
was perhaps as largely responsible for the appointment 
of Cowper and Sunderland as was the influence of the 
duchess. The latter is also charged with being respon- 
sible for the appointment of practically all officials of the 
royal household. To this, she enters an emphatic denial, 

i Coke MSS., III. 63. 

2 Smollett, Hist, of Eng., I. 415, 451 ; Boyer, p. 177; Quart. Rev., LXIV. 
253; Macpherson, I. 636, 92; Coxe Papers, XIII. 151; Hanover Papers, 
Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, f. 241. 



204 ENGLISH POLITICAL PASTIES 

saying that except for the pages of the backstairs, the 
other places in the gift of the mistress of the robes con- 
sisted of "waiters, cofTerbearers . . . starchers and 
sempstress." 1 Such certainly were not positions of con- 
sequence, and she could not build up her political power 
by such appointments. Unless it can be shown that she 
controlled more valuable places, it would be incorrect to 
assign much importance to this phase of her activity. 
As no claim has been more often made to show that the 
duchess had Anne completely in her power, it is essential 
to ascertain what evidence exists to support such a con- 
tention. Miss Strickland cites several references in the 
Coxe Papers, but all her examples relate to menials, 
whom the duchess conceded that she placed in office. We 
should naturally expect her as groom of the stole to 
select her lowly subordinates, since others had done so 
before her, and no doubt her successors continued to do 
so after her. 

Nothing except her Jacobite leanings, and her inveter- 
ate hostility to the duchess could have caused Miss 
Strickland to sneer at the latter 's part in reforming the 
custom of selling places at court, as it seems illogical to 
assume that she had everything to do with the patronage 
and nothing at all to do with such an important regula- 
tion concerning it. If her influence in selecting crown 
servants were half so great as is usually believed, she 
could readily have convinced Anne that such a reform 
was unnecessary, or at least undesirable. As a matter 

i Conduct, p. 310. Miss Strickland (XII. 69) insists that "Sarah 
reigned supremely over the formation of the newly formed household, dis- 
posing of all places. . . . From the mighty Dutch magnate, Portland, down 
to the humble clear starcher, Abrahal, Sarah . . . placed and displaced 
whomever she thought fit." Miss Strickland says this depends upon a 
statement of the duchess found in the Coxe Papers, but she fails to give 
the volume, and an examination of these manuscripts failed to reveal it. 
Cf. Sismondi, Hist. Frangais, XXVI. 329; Other Side, p. 260. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 205 

of fact, the duchess was never guilty of open corruption, 
even in this mild form, consequently she could have had 
no personal reasons for opposing reform. Besides, her 
ideas as to court appointments were anything hut selfish. 
"If I had power to dispose of places,'' she wrote in con- 
fidence to Godolphin at the beginning of the reign, "the 
first rule should be, to have those that were proper for 
business ; the next, those that had deserved upon occa- 
sion; and whenever there was room without hurting the 
public, I think one would, with pleasure, give employ- 
ments to those who were in so unhappy a condition as to 
want them." 1 As a matter of fact, the available evidence 
fails to connect the duchess with the reform at all. 
Burnet tells us of the issuance of the ordinance 2 through 
Anne's declaration in the Privy Council. It is improb- 
able that he would have consciously left out any refer- 
ence to the part played by the duchess, as he was an inti- 
mate friend of the Marlboroughs, and his book was ex- 
amined by the duchess before its publication. 3 

If a list of the men and women holding important offices 
in 1702 be examined, the complaint of the duchess that 
the new ministry was not to her liking will be found to 
hold true as well for the second-rate offices about the 
court. 4 The Duke of Devonshire, Earl of Jersey, Earl of 
Rochester, Earl of Nottingham, Sir Edward Seymour, 
and Sir John Gower were not friends of the Marl- 
boroughs, yet they were appointed to office along with 

i Quarterly Review, XXIII. 12. See also Coxe Papers, XLVI. 2; Con- 
duct, p. 301; cf. Thomson, I. 362. 

2 Burnet, V. 63. 

3 Foxeroft, Supplement to Burnet, XXVII; Ranke, Eng. Hist., VI. 75. 
Stebbing (Genealog. Hist., p. 768) is silent as to any part the duchess may 
have taken in this reform, as is Coke (III. 136), who, like the Duke of 
Buckingham, thought the regulation was inoperative. 

4 For these names, see Anglice Notitia (1702); Stepney Papers, Add. 
MSS., 7074, ff. 117-23, 208-9, f. 88; ib., 7079, f. 88; P. C. Reg., LXXIX. 106. 



206 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Godolphin. Devonshire was a Whig, it is true, but Jersey 
and Gower were at least zealous Highfliers, if not secret 
Jacobites. Moreover, such men were much to Anne's 
liking and she was willing to take their professions of 
loyalty to the church at their face value, until their 
actions proved them to be selfish, ambitious, and totally 
unworthy of favor. Then, however, she was placed in 
the greatest of quandaries, for she liked the Whigs little 
more than she did the Tories, who had refused to do her 
bidding. 

Whereas the evidence in favor of the duchess's in- 
fluence seems inconclusive, from various sources we learn 
that others had much to do in appointing to desirable 
offices. While secretary, Nottingham was active in pro- 
moting the interests of his followers. Yet he conceded 
that there were insurmountable obstacles in his way, the 
chief of which was the queen, who always interested her- 
self in political appointments. 

Closely connected with the disposal of offices at court 
is the question of rewarding loyal political supporters 
with peerages, or promotions within the peerage. The 
duchess was accused of dictating Anne's selection of 
peers, but in this instance, the case of her accusers breaks 
down entirely. Her husband was created a duke, not 
only without her solicitation, but contrary to her best 
judgment. 1 Indeed, as soon as she heard of the queen's 
intentions, she wrote posthaste to her spouse, advising 
him to decline the honor. This suggestion Marlborough 
acted upon some time later, but the "solicitations of the 
Queen and the importunities of Godolphin, as well as the 
representations of the Pensionary Heinsius, at length 
vanquished the reluctance of the Countess." 2 Godolphin 

i Marlborough 's letter is printed in Reid, p. 112. See also Conduct, pp. 
302-3; Klopp, Der Fall des Hauses Stuart, X. 230-1. 
sCoxe, I. 102; Reid, p. 112. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 207 

interviewed Anne in the duchess's behalf, but Queen 
Anne was determined to have her way, and the lord treas- 
urer was advised to prepare the duchess for the inevitable. 
"I hope you will give me leave, as soon as he comes, to 
make him a duke," wrote the queen ten days later. "I 
know my dear Mrs. Freeman does not care for anything 
of the kind, nor am I satisfied with it, because it does not 
enough express the value I have for Mr. Freeman, nor 
anything ever can how passionately I am yours." 1 Such 
words are rather conclusive on this point, despite the 
superabundant assertions of friendship. Moreover, the 
duchess insisted that she never desired, much less asked 
for her husband that honor, which Anne granted in so 
special a manner. 2 

Although the duchess did not contribute to the duke's 
promotion, she may have been active in forwarding the 
cause of others. Buckingham's promotion was certainly 
due to his zeal for the church and to his early friendship 
for Anne. Somewhat later, the queen created five peers 
in a group, four of them Tories of one mind with herself, 
and John Hervey, a Whig friend of the duchess. While 
denying all connection with the other creations, the 
duchess takes the entire credit for securing Hervey 's 
peerage. She was in the country when she heard that 
Anne had decided to create four peers. At once she 
wrote Marlborough and Godolphin that if they did not 
endeavor to "get Mr. Hervey made a peer, [she] neither 
would nor could show [her] face any more. . . . The 
thing was done purely at my request. ' ' 3 

i Conduct, p. 304. 

2 Morrison (2d Series), II. 39; Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7074, ff. 
252-3; Eeid, p. 113. 

3 Conduct, pp. 297-8. Hervey gives the duchess all the credit. Diary, 
pp. 1-38. Burnet says he was made a peer "by private favour," but the 
Parliamentary History (VI. 149) is more explicit. Some might assert that 
the Marlboroughs influenced all these creations, but if it is remembered that 



208 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

If the duchess were such a political force as has been 
supposed, it is strange that she should have been kept in 
ignorance of the- queen's intentions until the last moment. 
Stranger still is it, that instead of writing directly to 
Anne to grant this personal favor, she should ask her 
husband and the lord treasurer to use their influence in 
her behalf. Strangest of all, is the intimation that her 
pleas might not succeed. This letter creates a strong 
presumption that her influence was not excessively great 
in appointments, even when she thought it was; at least 
it appears so as far as she had to do with the peerage, 
even when creations were made for political purposes. 1 

In two other creations, the Marlboroughs probably took 
some interest, although there is no certainty that their 
influence was decisive. Godolphin's peerage was due 
probably as much to Anne's friendship, as to the wishes 
of the duchess. In 1703, Lady Mary, daughter of the 
duchess, was married to Viscount Monthermer, son of 
the Earl of Montagu, who soon after was honored with a 
dukedom. The natural inference is that Marlborough 
and his wife promoted his claim. Yet it must be remem- 
bered that the former was never on good terms with 
Montagu or his son, and that there never was any love 
lost between Lady Monthermer and her imperious 
mother. Before passing final judgment on Montagu's 
promotion, it is well to bear in mind that Rutland became 
a duke at the same time, and believed that his elevation 
was due to Nottingham; furthermore, Seymour was also 
very active in political affairs and his son was among 
those honored. 2 

the duchess was becoming more and more favorable towards the Whigs, this 
view is untenable. Life of the Duchess, p. 42. 

i The aim of these creations was to change the Whig House of Lords to 
Tory, whereas Sarah was continually importuning Anne to turn Whig. 

2 Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, ff. 413, 419; Macpherson, I. 635. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 209 

At the beginning of the reign, the duchess's influence 
was thought by many office seekers to be of value. Ham- 
ilton solicited her aid in Scottish affairs, in which she 
might have been of real help, because here she was in 
close sympathy with Anne. 1 A year later, however, the 
duchess openly confessed to Sunderland that she was 
unable to further the interests of a mutual friend, al- 
though she had spoken to Anne and Godolphin "for him 
with as much earnestness as if he had been my friend . . . 
this twenty year." 2 In fact, in such cases, the duchess 
was so exceedingly troublesome that the ministers, espe- 
cially Godolphin, were glad when she ceased to meddle in 
affairs of this kind. 3 

Though the duchess's importance- may have been small 
in creating peers and selecting ministers and minor 
government officials, it is possible that she may have had 
more to do in determining the personnel of the bench and 
returning officers. Cowper noted, however, that Anne 
displayed a most exasperating interest in choosing Eng- 
lish and Irish judges, while she took delight in pricking 
the sheriffs, and writing in the names of those she pre- 
ferred when the candidates presented failed to meet her 
approval. 4 Anne had heard that the mayor of Dover 
ordered bells rung in joy when he learned that Prince 
George was to lay down his post in the Admiralty. She 
wrote Godolphin that if this report were true, "I cannot 
think he is a fit person to succeed Mr. Herbert or anybody 

i Cal. S. P. Dom. (1702-3), p. 142; Oilier Side, p. 239. 

2 Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34518, f. 64; Newcastle Papers, Add. 
MSS., 32679, f. 17. 

s Cunningham, II. 77. 

* Diary, January 5, 1705; Strickland, XII. 134; S. P. Dom., Sec. Letter 
Book, CIV. 46; S. P. Dom., Anne, IX. 1. In another instance Anne asked 
for more information about the candidates before she signed the warrants; 
at another time she criticized the methods used to secure sheriffs, and wished 
the lord keeper to impose this extra duty upon the judges on circuit. 
Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28890, f. 377; S. P. Dom., Anne, II. 1. 



210 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

else." 1 One would scarcely conclude from this that 
Anne's appointments were usually made at the sugges- 
tion of the duchess or anyone else, unless the men were 
personally acceptable to her. A similar spirit is also 
indicated concerning the independent attitude of some of 
the prince's servants. "I will be sure to speak to the 
Prince to command all his servants to do their duty," she 
wrote to Lady Marlborough. "If they do not obey him, I 
am sure they do not deserve to be any longer so, and I 
shall use my endeavours that they may not; but I hope 
they will not be such villians; and if they do what they 
ought, I am certain it will be none of the Prince 's fait. ' ' 2 
Anne's reply indicates that the duchess's letter was in 
the nature of a complaint, rather than a request that the 
prince's servants be changed, but in common with the 
other instances cited, it fails to prove that the duchess's 
word in civil appointments was decisive even in the early 
years of the reign. 

Peerages, court places, and pensions do not seem to 
have been to any considerable extent under the duchess's 
control. What was her importance with reference to 
ecclesiastical appointments? The queen was pious, al- 
most to the point of superstition ; Lady Marlborough was 
practical minded and accused by her enemies of atheism. 
So, naturally, there would be little sympathy between 
them in matters dealing with liturgy and church admin- 
istration. Anne seized every available opportunity to 
increase her influence in ecclesiastical affairs, and stead- 
ily refused to yield any part of her power to Cowper, 
even at the request of the duchess, whom she quietly 
snubbed when the latter persisted in advocating Cowper 's 

i Mahon, p. 538. 

2 Coxe Papers, XLV. f. 147. In the summer of 1706, two of the prince's 
grooms of the bedchamber were dismissed, partly on account of their oppo- 
sition to the court. Samuel Masham succeeded one of them. Marlb. MSS., 
p. 53. 



THE MARLBOROUCxHS AND GODOLPHIN 211 

right to certain advowsons. Lady Marlborough had 
little influence over the higher clergy, save possibly 
Burnet, who was unpopular with the queen. The 
duchess's part in bringing about the defeat of the High- 
fliers was probably direct, but she succeeded in her aims 
only because Anne was convinced in her own mind that 
the duchess was right. When the queen was morally cer- 
tain of her ground, as in the case of the two bishoprics, 
the combined influence of the Marlboroughs and Godol- 
phin was insufficient to change her plans. 

Such a cursory view of the duchess's influence upon 
domestic affairs does not bear out the contention that 
Anne was completely dominated by her in such matters. 
If she was supreme, as was said, why did she permit 
Rochester, the duke's rival, to be made lord lieutenant of 
Ireland? Was it magnanimity, or lack of power? Why 
was it necessary for her to wait more than two years, 
before her protege, Sunderland, was taken into the cabi- 
net council? Was this due to her patience or to her 
weakness? Last of all, why was it possible for Harley 
to remain in the ministry for months after the duchess, 
supported by her husband and Godolphin, had demanded 
that he be disgraced? Was this due to a friendly sym- 
pathy for Anne, or to her limited political power? What- 
ever may have been the part played by the duchess in the 
political arena, the queen's financial affairs were entirely 
under her control, much to the advantage of both women, 
for Anne was careless of her money, whereas Sarah was 
penurious and grasping. As a result, Mrs. Morley was 
kept upon an allowance, which left her frequently in 
embarrassing circumstances, and must have helped to 
increase her discontent with the favorite. 1 

In the struggle between the Whigs and Tories to bring 
over the Electress Sophia, the influence of the duchess 

i Add. MSS., 32679, f. 17; Loclchart Papers, I. 126-7, 267-8. 



212 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

was not predominant, and she confessed her inability to 
do anything with Anne on this important issue, much as 
she must have desired to stand well with both the queen 
and the next heir to the throne. It is still more perplex- 
ing to understand, even if we boldly assume that she had 
been responsible for whipping the Whigs into line, why, 
after rendering such valuable services to a most grateful 
mistress, she could not easily have gained the queen's 
consent to her son-in-law's promotion, which she had 
been urging so long. 1 

Not only in the domain of political affairs, then, does 
the power of the duchess seem to vanish, but in diplo- 
matic affairs as well. Her part in settling the question 
of the succession was slight, while her share in the nego- 
tiations leading up to the union does not seem particu- 
larly significant. From the year 1703 onwards, her name 
seems to disappear from the correspondence connected 
with both Edinburgh and Westminster. 

Gradually, very gradually, it dawned upon the duchess 
that her influence was diminishing, and when the news 
of the secret marriage of Abigail leaked out, much to 
the discomfiture of both Anne and the waiting woman, 
her suspicions were aroused and an investigation con- 
vinced her that Abigail had wormed herself into the 
queen's confidence — a state of affairs due largely to the 
negligence of the duchess and the lord treasurer. With 
Godolphin at the helm of state and her husband leading 
a victorious army, the duchess thought herself firmly 
ensconced at court. So confident was she of her power, 
that she absented herself for long intervals from Anne's 
side, while superintending the building of Blenheim and 
quarreling with Vanbrugh, the architect. She even dared 
lecture Anne continually about her fondness for the 
Tories who were working so persistently against her. 

i See the remarks in Life of the Duchess, pp. 30-2, and Conduct, p. 160. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 213 

Slowly, all this preaching against the Tories produced a 
reaction, and the queen began to tire of her favorite, 
whose continued absences allowed her, solitary and 
moody, to brood over her wrongs, and led her to seek 
other secret advisers. 

The relations existing between the queen and her two 
favorites are of vital importance in determining the 
extent, nature, and consequences of the intrigues against 
the ministry. We have seen, thus far, that Abigail 
came under Anne 's influence early in the reign. Exactly 
when Harley's confidential relations with Abigail began, 
it is difficult to ascertain, but at least by 1707 her power 
was sufficient to arouse the duchess. She was a distant 
but needy cousin of Sarah Jennings, 1 to whom her very 
existence was unknown until late in William's reign. As 
soon as the impulsive Sarah's attention was directed by 
Princess Anne to her poor relation, she endeavored to 
better the latter 's condition, and it was easy to secure for 
her a place as bedchamber woman in the princess's 
household. 2 Early in Anne 's reign Abigail was promoted 
to a place in the queen's bedchamber. 

Abigail proved herself an efficient servant. "She was 
a person of a plain, sound understanding, of great truth 
and sincerity, without the least mixture of falsehood or 
disguise," wrote Swift, who knew her well. 3 She must 
have possessed considerable natural ability, as her corre- 
spondence is clear, and far more intelligible than that 

i For the exact relationship, consult Notes 4' Queries (2d Series), VIII. 
57, 155; ib. (10th Series), VIII. 390-1. 

2 Abigail's name appears in the list of Anne's household in 1700. 
Anglice Notitia (1700), p. 519. She was probably employed as early as 
1698. See also Strickland, XI. 276; Bath MSS., I. 189. Another cousin 
was put to school, in due time became a page to Prince George, and later 
he was appointed groom of the bedchamber to the Duke of Gloucester. Con- 
duct, p. 180. 

s Swift, The Queen's Last Ministry; see also Journal to Stella, passim. 



214 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

of the majority of men and women at court. Her tem- 
perament was placid and unruffled, in violent contrast 
to the duchess's excitability; she was ever courteous and 
deferential, whereas her cousin had always been brusque 
and plain-spoken. On all occasions she seemed "full of 
love, duty and veneration for the Queen, her mistress," 1 
and was always willing to share the confidence of her 
sovereign and to sympathize with her in all distress. 

For many months the duchess did her utmost to further 
the interests of Abigail at court. The latter was grate- 
ful for such assistance and wrote obsequious notes to her 
benefactress, who was convinced that she was shy and 
reserved because ' ' she always avoided entering into free 
conversation with me, and made excuses when I wanted 
her to go abroad with me." 2 Indeed, the duchess was so 
kind to her socially that the queen soon became jealous. 
"I hope Mrs. Freeman has no thought of going to the 
opera with Mrs. Hill," she wrote, "and will have a care 
of engaging herself too much in her company, for if you 
give way to that, it is a thing that will insensibly grow 
upon you. Therefore give me leave once more to beg 
for your own sake, as well as Mrs. Morley's, that you 
will have as little to do with that enchantress as 'tis 
possible, and pray pardon me for saying this." 3 

Anne penned these lines before political difficulties had 
sprung up to separate her from the duchess; it was 
earlier, too, than the dispute over the letter of August, 
1706, and the unpleasantness concerning Cowper's con- 
trol over church benefices, which threw into bold relief 
the High Church beliefs of the one and the Low Church 
proclivities of the other; 4 neither had the merits of the 

i The Queen's Last Ministry; Notes $ Queries (2d Series), VIII. 9. 

2 Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, ff. 96<l-7d. 

3 Eeid, p. 148. 

4 Leadam, p. 123. The real "stone of stumbling was politics," whereas 
the "work of offense was religion." Eeid, p. 148. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 215 

head dresser yet become known to Anne. Gradually she 
learned from Abigail's own lips that she was a devout 
High Church adherent (if indeed she were not a true 
Jacobite). 1 Little by little Anne came to know that 
Abigail looked upon her as the personification of the 
sovereign power of the realm. Such ideas did much to 
endear her to the queen, at a time when elections and 
business interests took the duchess more and more from 
court. The latter 's scoldings and frequent demands for 
favors to the Whigs made Anne more content with Abi- 
gail, but the duchess was either too busy or too obtuse to 
notice her own gradual loss of authority. Possibly her 
suspicions began to be aroused by the end of 1705. If 
so, they were quietly allayed by Anne's clever letter after 
the failure of the ' ' tack. ' ' 

In the meanwhile, Harley had also discovered in Abi- 
gail a long-lost relative, and perceiving her potential 
value in politics, began to cultivate her friendship most 
assiduously. Fortune favored him, as he soon learned 
that the unassuming Abigail had fallen madly in love 
with Samuel Masham, gentleman-in-waiting to Prince 
George, whom he resembled so much both in intellect and 
disposition. As might have been expected, Masham was 
completely oblivious of the sighs and amorous glances 
sent his way by the love-lorn Abigail, but the skilful 
secretary assumed the role of matchmaker 2 so success- 
fully that within a few months, Samuel had taken Abigail 
for better or worse in a secret marriage which Anne 
honored with her presence. This ceremony was kept a 
profound secret for nearly a year before the duchess 
accidentally heard of it. When we recall how excellent 
her spy system was, this is really surprising. The fact 

i This statement rests upon the credibility of Mesnager 's Negotiations, 
which, according to Professor Trent, were most probably written by Defoe. 
2 Chamberlen, p. 280. 



216 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

that any attempt was made to keep from her a knowl- 
edge of the marriage is sufficiently indicative of her loss 
of favor in the queen's eyes. 

When the irritable duchess heard of Abigail's mar- 
riage, her anger was terrible. In her ravings not even 
Anne was spared, for had she not been present in Dr. 
Arbuthnot's chambers during the ceremony! Her harsh 
comments upon her cousin's unseemly behavior largely 
contributed to widening the gulf between queen and 
favorite, which was visible to all at court except the re- 
doubtable Sarah herself. The duchess's resentment 
against Mrs. Masham was accentuated by the latter 's 
intimacy with Harley, as Lady Marlborough was exceed- 
ingly fearful of his meddling in the queen's affairs. 1 
She had ample reason to fear Harley 's intrigues, for 
by his matchmaking ability, the secretary had gained 
the close co-operation and gratitude of Mrs. Masham, 
whose quiet, unobtrusive demeanor was needed to carry 
out his political policies. As Abigail's influence in- 
creased, he depended upon her tact to carry his sugges- 
tions to the queen ; when an interview was necessary, he 
relied upon her to smuggle him into Anne's secret closet. 
Mrs. Masham 's power to maintain strict secrecy is shown 
by her keeping her marriage concealed from her haughty 
cousin for many months, and she soon displayed a talent 
for dissimulation that was almost genius. She retained 
her maiden name so long, not so much because she feared 
the "tigerish rage" of the vindictive duchess as for the 
reason that Harley 's schemes would be more certain to 
succeed, if his relations with the queen remained un- 
known alike to Godolphin and the junto. 

Mrs. Masham 's native shrewdness and remarkable 
self-possession are unconsciously attested by the duchess 
herself. Soon after learning of the secret marriage, 

i Conduct, pp. 183-4; Strickland, XII. 141-3. 






THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 217 

Sarah pounced upon Abigail and demanded that her 
humble relative should explain why Anne happened to 
know of it when she was not equally well informed. 
Mrs. Masham retained her composure and sweetly re- 
plied that ' ' she believed the bed-chamber woman had told 
the Queen of it." 1 Under all sorts of disadvantageous 
conditions, Abigail never lost her poise and no one was 
ever able to get from her any detailed account of her 
relations with Anne. Possessed of a temperament so 
tranquil she must have been a welcome relief to the queen 
from the turbulent duchess, and an important, though 
secret, factor in the execution of Harley's schemes. 

Having made so little headway with her cousin, the 
impetuous groom of the stole carried her troubles to the 
queen. She found Anne unresponsive. This was due in 
part to the frequency of the duchess's complaints about 
menials at court. Once she accused Mrs. Danvers, a bed- 
chamber woman dear to the queen, of being a spy as well 
as saying ''false and impertinent things," and vainly 
urged her dismissal. At another time, she wished a place 
for a soldier's widow; Anne replied that she did not need 
an extra woman of the bedchamber, but "when she did, 
she would not have any married person for the future." 
That she might end the controversy once for all, the 
queen soon selected the homely daughter of Mrs. Danvers 
for the place. 2 

As a result of these experiences, the duchess was not 
greatly surprised at Anne's lack of sympathy. She was 
alarmed, however, when Mrs. Morley openly championed 
the cause of her dresser. During all of the duchess's 
maledictions, Anne stood fixed in her belief that Mrs. 

i Strickland, XII. 150. The duchess also tells of Abigail's unwittingly 
bouncing in upon her private interview with the queen and excusing herself 
by inquiring innocently of Anne, "Did you ring?" 

2Coxe Papers, XLIV. 54-6; Strickland, XII. 141-3. Mrs. Danvers had 
been Anne's bedchamber woman since 1688. 



218 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Masham had been right in keeping her marriage a secret 
from one who was certain to create a scene if anything 
were done without her consent. For a time, Anne con- 
cealed her personal feelings, but at last, even her easy- 
going nature was aroused. She could write polite, 
evasive notes no longer, so she informed the duchess that 
she did not care to discuss the matter any further. 

In reply, the duchess bitterly complained of the 
meddlesomeness of the relative she had raised from the 
dust, to which Anne sarcastically retorted that Mrs. 
Masham never meddled with anything, although others 
in her employ had been both "tattling and impertinent." 1 
The duchess had also asked some pointed questions about 
Abigail's associates, but all the satisfaction Anne vouch- 
safed was that Mrs. Masham kept the same sort of com- 
pany as others of her station. She breathed not a single 
word of Harley! Neither did she express any willing- 
ness to part with Abigail ! 

Upon this last point the duchess was most insistent, 
and intimated that the loss of confidence felt by Godol- 
phin and her husband might force them to resign. Anne 
assured her that she must be mistaken. The duchess 
persevered, although she received no encouragement. 
At last Anne's patience gave out entirely; she insisted 
that the duke was in error when he imagined he had 
"not much credit" with her; she begged the duchess not 
to "mention that person any more whom you are pleased 
to call the object of my favour, for whatever character 
the malicious world may give her, I do assure you it will 
never have any weight with me, knowing she does not 
deserve it, nor can I ever change the good impression you 
once gave me of her, unless she should give me a cause, 
which I am very sure she never will. ' ' 2 A more pointed 

i Coxe, II. 99 ; Coxe Papers, XV. 76. 
2 Marlb. HISS., p. 52. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 219 

note it is difficult to imagine, but its recipient failed to 
see the handwriting on the wall. 

Having failed completely to gain her purpose by a 
frontal attack upon the new favorite, the duchess took 
her troubles to Godolphin, who waited upon Anne at once 
and presented the case for the ministry. He made the 
most discouraging report that "he had indeed convinced 
the Queen that Mrs. Masham was in the wrong, but that 
it was evident that her Majesty would have preferred 
considering her in the right." 1 Even this did not check 
the headstrong course of the duchess, who decided to 
write Anne more frankly, if possible, than ever before. 
"I know Mrs. Morley's intentions are good," she said, 
' l and to let her run on in so many mistakes that must of 
necessity draw her into great misfortunes at last, is just 
as if I should see a friend's house set on fire, and let 
them be burnt in their beds without endeavouring to wake 
them, only because they had taken ladanum and had 
desired not to be disturbed. This is the case of poor, 
dear Mrs. Morley, nothing seems agreeable to her but 
what comes from the artifices of one that has always been 
reputed to have a great talent that way. I heartily wish 
she may discover her true friends before she suffers for 
the want of that knowledge." 2 Such biting remarks 
about her cousin did not suffice to allay the duchess's 
temper; she insisted that Abigail should meet her and 
explain what she meant by aping her betters. Mrs. 
Masham naturally had no desire to encounter a "tor- 
nado in petticoats," and her frantic endeavors to escape 
such an ordeal enlisted the support of the queen, who 
was able to sympathize with her. To the duchess, this 
was the bitterest drop in the cup; it was not sufficient 
that her own cousin should turn against her, but that 

i Strickland, XII. 166. 
2 Coxe Papers, XV. 76. 



220 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Anne should support this upstart against her own com- 
rade, that was adding insult to injury! The duchess's 
resentment increased accordingly. 1 

Disquieting as was the queen's attitude, it does not 
imply that she wished to cast off her old favorite. It is 
apparent that she only wished to enjoy the new one in 
peace, for even if her feelings of gratitude were not 
active, she w r as too clever to destroy Harley's well-laid 
plans by an exhibition of temper. As a result, her caress- 
ing tone was soon as alluring as ever. "I cannot go to 
bed without renewing a request which I have often made, 
that you would banish all unkind and unjust thoughts of 
[me]," she wrote. "I saw by the glimpse I had of you 
yesterday, that you were full of 'em. Indeed I do not 
deserve 'em, and if you could see my heart you would 
find it as sincere, as tender, and passionately fond of you 
as ever ; and as truly sensible of your kindness in telling 
me your mind freely on all occasions. Nothing shall ever 
alter me ! Though we may have the misfortune to differ 
in some things, I will ever be the same to [you] . . . , I 
am more tenderly and sincerely [yours] than it is pos- 
sible ever to express." 2 

Throughout this long and trying controversy, Anne 
constantly insisted that her friendship for Mrs. Masham 
was purely personal and need not affect in any way her 
political relations with the duke and Godolphin, 3 although 
she failed to mention the all-important fact that while the 
duchess and the junto were ruffling her temper, Harley 
and Mrs. Masham were constantly dinning in her ears 

i Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34517, ff. 48-9; ib., 34515, f. 103; Con- 
duct, pp. 183-4. 

2 Strickland, XII. 165. It seems to come from the Coxe Papers. See 
Swift, Change of Ministry, and Four Last Years; Priv. Cor., I. 82. 

3 In the midst of this quarrel, Anne wrote the duchess: "I never did, 
nor never will give them any just reason to forsake me; and they have too 
much honour and too sincere a love for their country to leave me without a 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 221 

that she was being dictated to by her ministers to such 
an extent that she could scarcely call her soul her own. 1 

Godolphin, however, realized the danger of these per- 
sonal attacks on Mrs. Masham, which only tended to bring 
the queen and Harley closer together. The duchess either 
could not or would not listen to reason, and as a result, 
her querulousness and thoughts of revenge made it all 
the more difficult for the lord treasurer to come to an 
understanding with Anne over the bishoprics of Chester 
and Exeter. When the queen stood out for her own excel- 
lent selections, the vexation of the Marlboroughs must 
have been great, especially since Anne steadily insisted 
that Harley (and by implication, Mrs. Masham) was in 
no way responsible for these appointments. 

To a woman less blinded by her own importance than 
the duchess, such a check would have brought a period of 
silence; inasmuch as Anne had politely requested her 
not to mention Mrs. Masham again. The fatuity of the 
duchess is almost unbelievable. Having been associated 
with the queen all her life, she nevertheless failed to 
understand her sentiments even when plainly expressed. 
Persistence, moreover, was one of the duchess's virtues, 
and Abigail's ingratitude was thrice " sharper than a 
serpent's tooth." Once again, she berated her ambitious 
cousin who "like Iago, gave . . . wounds in the dark," 2 
and charged her with being Harley 's servant rather than 
Anne's friend. After some delay, she secured an inter- 
view with Mrs. Masham. The result was most exasper- 
ating. The serving woman had the presumption to 

cause. And I beg you would not add to my other misfortunes, of pushing 
them on to such an unjust and unjustifiable action." Conduct, p. 202. 
Anne feared that she might vindictively force her husband to resign. There 
is also present the familiar appeal to the patriotism of Godolphin and 
Marlborough. 

i Other Side, pp. 310-1; Goldsmith, Hist, of Eng., IV. 136. 

2 Eeid, p. 278. 



222 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

suggest that the queen "would always be kind" to her 
(the duchess) I 1 In all the vicissitudes of her long and 
fretful life, the latter never received such a terrific blow 
to her pride. Her anger against Abigail turned to burn- 
ing hatred, which persisted as long as she lived. 

Such unseemly behavior did much to open Anne's eyes 
and gave point to the insinuating statements of Mrs. 
Masham, in which there was just enough truth to cause 
a revulsion of feeling against Marlborough and Godol- 
phin. The queen remembered with bitterness how Sun- 
derland had been foisted upon her, and fretted continu- 
ally under the constant and excessive demands of the 
Whigs. As a result, she stood ready to cast off her 
composite ministry that she might become more inde- 
pendent. However, the duke and Godolphin were able, 
after many difficulties, to weather the storm and even 
secured the dismissal of Harley in order to unify minis- 
terial policy. The queen parted with him reluctantly, 
but still clung to Mrs. Masham. Though desiring to 
break up her ministry, Anne had no particular wish to 
rid herself of the duchess, since the latter apparently 
played but an insignificant part in political and eccle- 
siastical affairs. It was only when the latter became 
dictatorial and insisted upon Abigail's dismissal that the 
queen turned against her. 

i Conduct, p. 206. Note the accusation leveled against the duchess in 
Carte's "Memoranda." "The Duchess was infinitely haughty, insolent, 
passionate and ill bred; no knowledge, poise, or judgment, but she abso- 
lutely governed the Queen and all the world could not have got the Qneen 
out of her hands if her own imperious treatment of her had not done the 
business when she quarreled with her cousin German, Mrs. Masham, who 
fell on her knees and face to the ground, and asked wherein she had of- 
fended, protested her innocence and zeal for her, etc. She called her bitch, 
jade, whore, etc., till the other was convinced there was no keeping in with 
her, and having good plain sense, took proper measures to get into the 
Queen's graces." Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CCLXVI. 3 7b. See also Thomson, 
II. 101 ; Colville, pp. 188-90. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 223 

Before closing this examination of the influence of the 
duchess, we must examine the statements of two con- 
temporaries and one secondary writer. In one of the 
earliest attempts to tell the life history of this remarkable 
woman, the writer concluded that "notwithstanding all 
the clamours that was raised against her Grace, during 
the time of her continuation in favour, though it is very 
probable (and to say the truth partly appears from the 
letters that passed between the Queen and her) that she 
did offer advice on most occasions, we don't find she 
ever presumed to dictate to her mistress ; ... or pretend 
to prescribe her private opinions as a law, from which 
her Majesty must not dare to swerve." 1 Dean Swift also 
says that Lady Marlborough's influence was greatly cir- 
cumscribed from the early months of the reign. 2 

The evidence thus far examined in no way contradicts 
these statements of contemporary writers. The duchess 
had many violent enemies, who railed at her constantly. 
Even those who had no personal reasons to dislike her, 
attacked her because she did not secure for them the 
preferments they sought, when the truth probably was 
that the queen had her own ideas regarding such appoint- 
ments. To be candid with disappointed office seekers, the 
duchess soon discovered, was casting pearls before swine, 
and in but few instances would they believe that Anne's 
favorite did not possess supreme control over appoint- 
ments. 

For all this, there is a plausible explanation. It has 
been characteristic of the English to look for the power 
behind the throne, 3 and particularly was this true in the 
Stuart period. Charles I had his Buckingham and his 
Strafford; Charles II, his Clarendon and his Danby; 

i Life of Sarah, p. 42. 

2 See Swift, Change of Ministry ; Von Noorden, I. 202. 

3 Consult "An Unpublished Letter of Defoe" in E. H. E., XXII. 132. 



224 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

William III, his Portland and his Keppel. After Anne 's 
accession, disappointed English courtiers thought they 
found such influence in the Marlboroughs, who acted as 
a sort of buffer between her and seekers after a share in 
the patronage. So this gifted couple became a mark for 
the resentment of those unhappy, virulent individuals 
whom the queen refused to favor with suitable prefer- 
ments. 

The duchess tried to make it plain that she had been 
much abused on this score. Unhappily for her fame, few 
have believed her, because they were unable to conceive 
how Anne could possibly have a mind of her own in 
political and ecclesiastical affairs. One painstaking 
student of this period, Archdeacon Coxe, did suggest, a 
century ago, however, that the duchess had but little in- 
fluence in political affairs, or even upon important 
nominations, political or otherwise. He further avers 
that the duke allowed his wife to have her way in family 
affairs, but into the political arena, when important poli- 
cies were discussed, she was not permitted to enter. 1 

It is hard to understand why the words of Swift and 
the conclusions of Coxe have been neglected for a 
century. Yet such has been the case. The latter, how- 
ever, was dealing primarily with the duke, and made no 
attempt to prove his theory concerning the duchess. 
Since his death, the publication of many additional letters 
of Anne and Lady Marlborough bear out his hypothesis. 
Moreover, the bitterest attacks upon the duchess are 
found not in the pamphlets of Anne's reign, but in those 
of a generation later. 2 

i Coxe, I. 154, II. 92. This reference is to the edition of 1820, as for 
some reason the editor of the second edition omitted the vital part of the 
note in the second reference. Bunbury, in his Hanmer (pp. 8-10), follows 
Swift to some degree, but later writers have neglected their statements. 

2 Few pamphleteers attacked the duchess on the grounds of her monopoly 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 225 

The present chapter has so far attempted to show that 
there is no satisfactory evidence to prove that the 
Duchess of Marlborough was a vital factor in English 
politics from 1702 to 1708. In fact, she did not show any 
great understanding of politics. To her, the Protestant 
hero was but a glutton who devoured the peas his sister- 
in-law liked so well ; Mary II, only a curious woman whose 
main interest was prying into the clothes closets of the 
royal mansion; Harley, no more than a base intriguer, 
who gained Anne's confidence under false pretences. 1 
She does not appear to have had at her disposal any 
considerable number of peerages, important places at 
court, or church offices. By 1707 her personal influence 
was so far diminished that she could not prevail upon 
Anne to dismiss even her dresser, though her request 
was backed up by the implied threats of resignation of 
both Godolphin and Marlborough. 

We are now ready to consider how far the queen was 
influenced in turn by these two men. The difficulty of at- 
tempting to separate the influence of the duke from that 
of the duchess is obvious, as the secrets between man and 
wife are of all secrets the most elusive. When both were 
in positions of honor and trust close to the queen, in 
whose political plans each was supposed to share, the 
difficulty is still more perplexing; when their relations 
with Anne are still further complicated by the presence 
of an influential minister acting as an intermediary be- 
tween them and the queen, the task becomes almost 
insuperable. 

Marlborough's life is intensely interesting. He was a 
favorite of James, Duke of York, and was kindly treated 
by Charles II, although this indulgent monarch found it 

of political power. They mainly criticized her parsimony. See [Defoe], 
Modest Vindication of the Present Ministry, p. 11. 
i Quarterly Review, XXXVIII. 409. 



226 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

politic to send him from the country when the Duchess 
of Cleveland grew too fond of him. He was employed 
by James II to crush Monmouth's rebellion. He soon 
entered into negotiations with William of Orange, and 
deserted the monarch who had been so kind to him. 
Within a few months after the Revolution he incurred 
William's suspicion, and in 1692 was dismissed from all 
his places and imprisoned. By that time he had secured 
a pardon from James and soon attempted to betray Wil- 
liam's expedition against Brest. He was once more in 
public employment by 1696, and the king appointed him 
governor to his young nephew. 

He started life as plain John Churchill. James created 
him a baron, and William made him Earl of Marlborough. 
During the last three eventful decades of the seventeenth 
century, he gained extensive experience in military 
science. He fought in the Netherlands during the Dutch 
war and distinguished himself in several campaigns 
under that great master of strategy, Turenne. In the 
war of the Palatinate, he was busily engaged for a short 
time, but was soon sent to Ireland where, despite the in- 
efficiency of the commissariat, he quickly captured both 
Kinsale and Cork. William then suspected his loyalty 
and deprived him of his command. He had proved his 
military worth, however, and the king sent him to Hol- 
land in 1701 as commander-in-chief. 

Of Marlborough's influence in 1702, there is no ques- 
tion. He was absolute commander of the army, and 
through his brother, who was an admiral and a member of 
the Admiralty Board of the navy as well; the treasury 
was in the hands of his devoted friend, Godolphin, who 
was also the father-in-law of his eldest daughter; and 
his wife rested supreme in the queen's confidence. His 
powers were so large "that the disposal of all offices, 
civil and military, and of the wealth of the kingdom, 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 227 

seemed to depend on one single person. ' n But this exten- 
sive power was in itself a source of weakness, because it 
aroused envy and enmity. The brilliant military leader 
was also most vulnerable to attack. Though his lack of 
stable principles had caused him to betray both the 
sovereigns who had trusted him, it was his unbounded 
avarice which gave his enemies their greatest oppor- 
tunity. Few really great men have been so grasping, 
perhaps none so penurious 2 or so unboundedly selfish. 
He was never a "good fellow" when that type was so 
common and so popular. Except immediately after a 
great victory, Marlborough was one of the most unpopu- 
lar men in England; whereas his wife was probably the 
most cordially hated of English women, because of her 
pride and excessive love of money. 3 

In addition, the duke's political inclinations were not 
sufficiently pronounced to hold him to any one party. 
Opportunism was his watchword from the beginning of 
Anne's reign until that much-abused lady closed her eyes 
forever. For politics itself, he cared not the least. 4 
During the first eight years of Anne's reign, his first 
thought was only for the war; and he was willing to ally 
himself with any party or faction that would aid him 
against Louis XIV. When in the first months of the 

i Boyer, p. 177. Wyon (II. 84) is still more emphatic, grouping Marl- 
borough and Godolphin together as responsible for the entire administration. 

2 Marlborough, when old and infirm, walked to and from his lodgings at 
Bath to save sixpence chair hire, and left over a million sterling to the 
grandson of a man he despised. King, Anecdotes, pp. 101-2. 

s One wag published an imaginary list of the duke 's books. Among the 
titles were ' ' On the Nature of Splitting Offices, ' ' and ' ' The Advantage of 
being a Eogue in all Eeigns," Add. MSS., 22267, ff. 130-1; Hearne, I. 102, 
314. Severe strictures on Marlborough may be found in Hanover Papers, 
Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, f. 242. Contemporary pamphlets and periodicals 
were filled with bitter attacks upon the Marlboroughs. 

4 Coxe, I. 235. The present Duke of Marlborough notes that "the politi- 
cal game did not appeal to him. ' ' Eeid, p. xxxvi. See also Thomas, p. 148. 



228 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

reign, an election transferred the power in the lower 
house to the Tories, the majority of whom, for the nonce, 
promised loyal support to the war, he joined with them, 
only to find them gradually losing their zest and murmur- 
ing at the prolongation of hostilities. 

In opposition to Marlborough's better judgment, the 
Tories insisted also upon abandoning the attitude of 
toleration towards Dissenters, although they knew full 
well that in so doing they were stirring up political strife. 
However, politically speaking, the Occasional Conformity 
Bill was both his danger and his opportunity ; his oppor- 
tunity in that it forced him to ally himself with the Whigs, 
who were willing to continue the war vigorously, and his 
danger because it gradually placed him at the mercy of 
the junto's efficient organization for all his future sup- 
port. Marlborough foresaw the risk he was running, and 
as he had no mind to put his head into a noose unless it 
should be absolutely necessary for continuing the war, 
his change from Tory to Whig was provokingly slow. 
Moreover, he had a real respect for the queen. He was 
a true monarchist, and to him Anne was vastly more 
than his constitutional sovereign — she was a Stuart. In 
keeping with the ideas prevailing during the reigns of 
Charles II and his brother, he believed that the monarch 
should govern as well as reign. L 'Hermitage, the Dutch 
representative, realized this and insisted that Marl- 
borough was not a republican, but was most jealous for 
the queen's prerogative. 1 There is no doubt that Marl- 
borough desired to place both the queen and her advisers 
above party struggles. In the early months of 1702, he 
might have brought the queen to appoint a thorough- 
going Tory ministry. 2 Instead, he advised a moderate 
cabinet council and his suggestions did not change, even 

iL 'Hermitage to Heinsius, Eijks Archief, 26 A ; Reid, p. xxxv. 
2Rijks Archief, 26*; Other Side, p. 157; Thomson, II. 30. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 229 

when the Tory leaders discredited themselves in his eyes 
by openly opposing Anne's wishes. His concern for the 
queen's feelings is shown when the second Occasional 
Conformity Bill came to a vote. Despite his dislike for 
the measure, he voted for it in company with such High- 
fliers as Nottingham and Jersey. 1 Anne did not so openly 
urge the passage of this bill, as she had the first, yet she 
made it plain that those who voted for the measure would 
not lose her favor. Consequently, the duke decided to 
keep her friendship by favoring the measure she per- 
sonally liked, and later signed a protest in support of 
the bill. His caution was partly due to his realization 
of Anne's kindly feeling towards the Tories, who posed 
as the champions of the church she loved so well. He 
was, it is true, largely responsible for Rochester's re- 
moval, but this removal would probably have been im- 
possible, had not the haughty earl treated Anne so 
discourteously. 

Marlborough worked in this tactful way to gain the 
queen's support for the war, which she never looked upon 
with approval. While the Tories were growing more and 
more opposed, he secretly began negotiations with the 
junto. How early a working agreement existed, it seems 
impossible to ascertain. One careful writer believed that 
it was as early as 1704, but it is probable that a ' ' gentle- 
man 's agreement" was formulated even earlier. In fact, 
such a policy was quite in keeping with Marlborough's 

i Py. Hist., VI. 170. "I must be careful not to do the thing in the 
world my Lord Kochester would most desire to have me do, -which is to give 
my vote against the bill," wrote Marlborough. "The bill will certainly be 
thrown out unless my Lord Treasurer and I will both speak to the people, 
and speak in the house." Thomas, p. 247. The same cautious attitude 
and desire to please may be found in Marlborough's support of the bill to 
grant Prince George a jointure of £100,000 a year, if he outlived the queen. 
Thomas Birch believed that they brought up the Occasional Conformity Bill 
originally to please the queen. Birch MSS., Add. MSS., 4221, f. 24. 



230 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

idea of the fitness of things, so long as he was able to 
balance one party against the other. To carry out such 
a plan successfully, however, the duke needed the close 
co-operation of the queen, and great forbearance on the 
part of the Whig leaders. Neither was possible. Had 
the junto been less exacting in its demands for political 
spoils, Marlborough might have retained Anne's support 
despite even the rebellious stubbornness of his wife, who 
kept urging him to abandon the Tories and turn to the 
Whigs.. 

The duke was most reluctant to turn to the junto. He 
disliked being called again a traitor and knew better than 
did his wife that the queen was inveterately opposed to 
admitting Whigs into the ministry. 1 He would have re- 
spected the queen's wishes, but the junto would not be 
denied; although at first they insisted only upon the 
appointment of such moderate Whigs as Cowper and 
Newcastle. When, however, the junto tried to force 
Sunderland into the place of Hedges, a stanch Tory, both 
the Marlboroughs and the Whigs lost much of their in- 
fluence with Anne. The arguments used to convince her 
that it was necessary either to accept him or rely once 
more upon the insolent Highfliers, gave her the impres- 
sion that the remedy was almost as bad as the disease, 
and set her more firmly than ever against the Whigs. 
The fact that Sunderland was the son-in-law of the Marl- 
boroughs, coupled with his own tactless behavior, caused 
a rapid decline of the royal favor towards all three. x\s 
a result, after 1707, Marlborough was continually com- 
plaining and threatening to resign unless Anne treated 
him with more consideration. 

Such, in general, was the position and the attitude of 
Marlborough towards political affairs during the first 
half of the reign. It remains to examine his relation to 

i See Marlborough's letter to his wife in 1703 in Thomas, p. 247. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 231 

the details of administration. What was his influence 
over appointments before Sunderland 's introduction into 
the ministry ? His selection as captain general was partly 
the result of his own transcendent ability, and partly 
because of Anne's friendship for him and his wife. 
Shortly after the queen's accession, it was rumored that 
Marlborough was to be master of the horse. For some 
reason that honor went to Somerset, and Marlborough 
was made knight of the garter 1 and duke instead. After 
Blenheim, the emperor proposed to bestow upon Marl- 
borough a grant of land and the title of prince, but the 
duke was careful not to commit himself before he re- 
ferred the whole matter to the queen, who gave him per- 
mission to accept the honor, and he became Prince of 
Mindelheim. 2 Anne granted him the manor of Wood- 
stock and the House of Commons cleared it of all incum- 
brances. The queen then ordered the palace of Blen- 
heim to be erected as a fitting memorial of Marlborough's 
victory. Despite the opposition of the Commons, she 
wished to change a grant of £5,000 a year during her 
reign to a pension which should continue as long as the 
title lasted, but she tactfully withdrew the motion 3 and 
secretly offered the duchess £2,000 a year out of the privy 
purse, which sum the latter at the time had the good grace 
to refuse. This quiet move of the queen indicates her 
desire to have her way so as to "draw no envy." 4 After 
Ramillies, she had her will, and the duke was rewarded 
as she had asked. Even earlier, the emperor had offered 

i Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7070, ff. 31-2; Bijks Archief, 26^; Portl. 
MSS., IV. 37; Shrewsb. Cor., pp. 633-5. 

2 Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7070, f. 192; Coxe, I. 222-4, 380; Mahon, 
p. 171. 

3 Morrison (2d Series), II. 39, 41; Stebbing, Gencalog. Hist., p. 780; 
Eemusat, I. 146; Other Side, p. 195; Boyer, p. 37; C. J., XV. 230, 237, 241. 

4 Conduct, p. 295. See also F. L. Wood MSS. (H. M. C), p. 86; Evelyn, 
Diary, II. 397. 



232 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

to appoint him to the most lucrative post of governor of 
the Spanish Netherlands, which he tactfully accepted 
subject to the approval of the queen and the Dutch 
authorities. Anne and her ministers were flattered by 
the act, but the Dutch gave only a reluctant consent. 1 

By this time, the concentration of so much honor and 
power in one grasping family aroused the envy of less 
fortunate courtiers. Marlborough was in control of mili- 
tary and diplomatic affairs; Godolphin, of finance; 
George Churchill, of the admiralty; the duchess, of the 
queen. A fear arose that Marlborough might become 
a "mayor of the palace" while the queen lived, and a 
Cromwell or a Monck when she passed away. 2 Some 
enterprising enemy of the Marlboroughs calculated that 
their total income amounted to more than £60,000. For 
military services alone, the general received from the 
English £17,000, the States-General gave him £10,000, 
£15,000 more came to him as perquisites from the foreign 
troops in English pay, and his wife received over £6,000 
from her positions at court. 3 If these figures are even 
approximately accurate, we should not wonder that 
courtiers grumbled about the favors bestowed upon the 
Marlboroughs, and objected strenuously when Anne 
wished to be more liberal still. 

Prior to 1706, Marlborough was certainly successful 
in securing honors for himself. What was his impor- 
tance in securing civil offices for others? Early in 1704, 
he wrote to Sir Thomas Coke, M. P. from Derby and a 
teller of the exchequer, promising him his influence to 
secure a better place as soon as a vacancy suitable to his 

lEijks Archief, October 5, 1706; Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7064, ff. 
1-7; Leadam, p. 83; Burton, III. 14. 

zChamberlen, p. 29; Lediard, Marlb., II. 5; S. P. Dom., Anne, III. 34. 

■a Hearne, I. 162. The Examiner for 1710 contains practically the same 
figures, which are independent of gifts from various sources. Each of the 
duke's four daughters married wealthy nobles. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 233 

rank should occur, and saying that he had already spoken 
to Anne in his favor. 1 For this or some other reason, the 
member from Derby was shortly holding the position of 
vice-chamberlain, exchanging offices with Peregrine 
Bertie. Somewhat later, the duke wrote Lord Gower that 
he would recommend him for a position as soon as he 
thought that there would be any possibility of success. 2 
Apparently, he deemed it useless to mention the matter 
to Anne while Sunderland's case was pending. Two 
others who persistently asked Marlborough's aid were 
George Granville and Matthew Prior, but only the former 
was rewarded for his perseverance. 3 

The next instance of Marlborough's activity in ap- 
pointments appears in a letter of St. John's. It seems 
that either Harley or St. John, or both, had secured the 
queen's assent to a commission for one Colonel Dobyn. 
Anne, however, broke her promise because she remem- 
bered that the duke had previously spoken to her about 
the place, and she informed St. John that Marlborough's 
candidate would probably secure the appointment. 4 

The general still retained a firm grasp on all military 
appointments. His jealousy prevented Peterborough 
from becoming a captain-general or a governor of Ja- 
maica, although the queen wished the earl to have the 
latter position, but a few years later the duke was dis- 
tinctly uneasy lest Anne might prefer Peterborough's 
candidates to his own. 5 His unrest continued, for months 

iCoke MSS., III. 32; Conduct, p. 131. See also Eeid, p. 227; Anglice 
Notitia (1708) p. 609; S. P. Dom., Anne, I. 65. 

2 Sutherland MSS. (H. M. C), p. 188. An interesting letter on this point 
is found in the Coxe Papers, XVIII. 15. 

zPortl. MSS., IV. 396; Coxe Papers, XXII, XXIV. passim. Prior in 
particular wrote long appeals to the duke, but actually lost his place on the 
Board of Trade in 1706. 

4 Portl. MSS., IV. 275. 

s Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, ff . 45, 285 ; Coxe Papers, XIX. 



234 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

after he asked Godolphin to see that "the Queen would 
not let any body have governments but such as have 
served in the army for if the Duke of Newcastel and 
others can prevail we shall have no other governors but 
Parliament men, which I am sure is not for her Majesty's 
service." 1 The lord treasurer's reply was quite satis- 
factory and the question of military appointments did 
not come up again for many months. 

Happily for our conclusions, we do not need to depend 
upon such minor appointments, because we find four 
important offices, the filling of which was due almost 
entirely to Marlborough's influence. Yet even here the 
queen could not have been very reluctant to accede to his 
wishes in filling two of them. At any rate, Godolphin 
became lord treasurer; Harley and Sunderland, secre- 
taries of state; and Henry St. John, secretary at war, 
largely because they were all friends of Marlborough. 

Though the duke's influence thus appears far from 
negligible in determining who should hold important 
civil and military offices, it is manifestly impossible to 
reach satisfactory conclusions from the meager data 
available. Much of Marlborough's power was neces- 
sarily exerted through Godolphin, and the latter 's rela- 
tions to the queen must be studied, before a final judgment 
can be rendered. 

Whatever may have been the duke's influence in filling 
offices at court, his diplomatic and military duties were 
clearly defined. He was the general not only of the Eng- 
lish but of the Dutch armies as well ; he had not only to 
fight battles but to keep his allies in good humor ; he had 

149. See also ii., XVIII. 145; S. P. Dom., Anne, VIII. 80; Blathwayt 
Papers, Add. MSS., 9722, f . 131 ; Other Side, p. 259. 

i Coxe Papers, XXII. 115; see ib., 124. Even after Ramillies the duke 
was by no means certain that Anne would permit his suggestions to be 
carried out. Coxe Papers, XIX. 149; Lansdowne MSS. (B. M.), 1236, f. 
252. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 235 

to secure funds not only to carry on his own campaigns 
but those of his allies also. He was able to look after the 
diplomatic and military affairs himself, but in matters 
of finance he was fortunate in having the co-operation of 
Godolphin. Indeed, Marlborough was more trusted 
abroad than at home. When the reign was yet young, 
both the Prussian and the Dutch representatives in Lon- 
don trusted him implicitly. One historian calls him the 
"soul of the coalition." 1 Vernon believed that Marl- 
borough and Godolphin were the arbiters of the affairs 
of the kingdom in 1702. 2 Nottingham's public and pri- 
vate correspondence, as secretary of state, indicates that 
in diplomacy he was little more than a clerk of Godolphin 
and the duke. 3 

The queen had, however, what must have been, to Marl- 
borough, a most unfortunate habit of keeping closely in 
touch with state affairs. As far as foreign negotiations 
were concerned, she was usually content to let well 
enough alone, except when it came to important dis- 
patches and appointments to diplomatic posts, about 
which she frequently wanted to know something before 
giving her consent. Once, after Stanhope had grown so 
old as to be of little service, the post at The Hague was 
under discussion, and Anne immediately suggested that 
it would be best to pension Stanhope, and appoint in his 
stead, Stepney, one of the most skilful of English diplo- 
mats. 4 Numerous indications in the dispatches of Hedges 

i Broseh, Bolingbrohe, p. 23; Bonet's BcricMe, cited by Von Noorden, 
I. 200; L 'Hermitage's letters in Eijks Archief, 26A. 

2Coxe Papers, XII. 123. 

s Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, ff. 285, 356; Hatton-Finch 
Papers, Add. MSS., 29549, ff. 95-118. 

*Coxe Papers, XVIII. 183; ib., XIX. 150, sq. ; Nottingham Papers, Add. 
MSS., 29588, ff. 277, 296. Vernon thought Godolphin and Marlborough 
were trying to keep him as secretary of state, but Nottingham got the 
place. Coxe Papers, XII. 125; James, III. 222. 



236 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

and Harley, while they were secretaries of state, create 
a strong presumption that many important letters from 
abroad were read to Anne, who gave directions at once, 
without consulting either Marlborough or Godolphin. 1 
However, we may have no doubt that when it came to a 
vital point in foreign policy, the duke's will prevailed 
over any whims of the queen. 

Despite Anne's interest in foreign affairs, there was 
no question in the minds of foreign statesmen that the 
duke was in control of diplomatic matters in England. 
There was little doubt in the minds of the English people 
as to his responsibility for foreign negotiations. Indeed, 
they openly charged him with prolonging the war to make 
money out of it. In spite of his ability to win victories, 
he was often accused of arbitrarily defeating all peace 
negotiations to increase his military fame. The mass of 
correspondence available on this point shows that Marl- 
borough was essentially a man of peace. In October, 
1703, he wrote Harley: "What you write confirms me 
very much in the desire I have for some time had of re- 
tiring from these uneasy and troublesome broils. How- 
ever, I shall never be wanting in my duty to her Majesty 
and my country whenever my endeavours may be thought 
useful." 2 Marlborough throws the responsibility for war 
or peace upon the allies, notably Holland. He approved 
of a letter which Harley had sent to the Dutch, ' ' as they 
would also do," he said, "were they not cursed with the 
passion of jealousy. It is gone to so extravagant a 
length as that some fear the French may be brought to 
Loo, but I hope the honest party is much the greater, so 
that they will approve of a treaty guaranteeing any 

i Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7058 and 7059, passim, particularly 7059, f. 
59; Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, f. 76; S. P. Dora., Entry Book, 
CV., Pt. ii. 25-6; Coxe Papers, XVII. 185, XX. 35; Bath MSS., I. 157, 167. 

2 Bath MSS., I. 56. See also Coxe, I. 318-9. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 237 

future treaty of peace we may have with France, which 
must be our security, for there can be no relying on any- 
thing France will promise. ' ' * Most of the evidence is 
largely unconscious, and is emphasized repeatedly in 
letters to his wife, to Godolphin, and to Anne, and shows 
that he loved the smoke of his own fireside far better 
than the smoke of battle. 

Let us now turn our attention to Marlborough's firm 
friend, Godolphin, who throughout the years that he re- 
mained in Anne's ministry was, without question, the 
supreme head of the treasury. Finance was his special 
department, into which no one else cared or dared to 
enter. 2 Added, however, to his duties as the financier, 
was the urgent necessity of keeping in touch with politi- 
cal developments, that parliamentary opposition should 
not defeat the grants for carrying on the war, both on 
land and sea. 

He was selected as first minister because he was an old 
friend of the Marlboroughs and the queen. When Anne 
was brooding over William's discourtesies, Godolphin 
had sympathized with her; when she was fighting for a 
separate allowance, he had championed her cause. Such 
favors she could not forget when the Marlboroughs 
urged his appointment as lord high treasurer, although 
her uncle had built his hopes on securing the place. It 
was inevitable that she should like Godolphin, though his 
temperament was not such as to make him her confidant. 
His innate honesty 3 doubtless appealed to her as much 

i Bath MSS., I. 98-9. This question is examined in ch. IX. 

2 Cal. Tr. Papers (1702-14). These volumes give a vivid idea of his 
industry and ability. See I. S. Leadam, "The Finance of Godolphin," 
Trans. E. E. S. (3d Series), IV. 

3 It may seem paradoxical to call a man ' ' honest ' ' who was constantly 
in communication with St. Germain from 1690 probably until his death. 
His only purpose in this technical treason was to guard against a traitor's 
death in case the Stuarts should return. Carte calls him ' ' incorruptible. ' ' 



238 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

as his loyalty. Unfortunately, lie was not the polished 
gentleman, the suave courtier, who could enliven the 
queen and, if necessary, flatter her into a compliance with 
his wishes. He was of the type who felt far more at home 
at Newmarket than in the drawing-room. He was socially 
a dull and uninteresting individual, 1 and Anne's domestic 
associations were such as to satisfy all longings for that 
type of person. It was a still more unhappy circum- 
stance for Godolphin that he was in his way almost as 
frank as his friend and adviser, the duchess ; that he used 
the crude method of direct attack, when finesse might 
have been more successful in gaining the queen's co- 
operation. Another handicap under which he labored 
was that of constitutional timidity. He was ever in a 
state of terror and was obsessed with the idea that his 
enemies might get the better of him through impeach- 
ment or a bill of attainder. As a result, he was usually 
sulking or in an attitude of habitual compromise with his 
opponents. The quick-witted junto made the most of this 
cardinal weakness and annoyed him unceasingly. After 
1704, he frequently threatened to resign, but like his 
friend and colleague, he could never quite make up his 
mind to cross the Rubicon. 2 

Godolphin was for many months the real leader in the 
sessions of the cabinet council, and Anne was so well 
pleased with Godolphin 's administration that she made 

Carte MSS., CCXXXI. 34». Dartmouth's vitriolic statement that he allowed 
the Marlboroughs to control the treasury and convert it to their avarice 
and ambition with no regard for the difficulties or straits of the queen, is 
untrue. Burnet, V. 8. He died poor when he might have been wealthy. 

i Macky indicated that he was slow of speech, serious in his deportment, 
and always doing more than he promised ; he disliked flattery and was 
difficult of access even to friends. Memoirs, p. 24. He was also past the 
prime of life and his mind was open only to political considerations. 

2 Carte's "Memoranda," Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CCXXXI. 34a; Coxe 
Papers, XIII. 165. Vernon thought his putting his friends into office was 
a certain sign that he would remain as treasurer. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 239 

him a knight of the garter in 1703 and created him an earl 
two years later. 1 With the aid of the duke and the queen 
he managed to keep the Highfliers in check until they 
attempted to persecute the Dissenters. When they failed 
in their assaults, they were replaced by moderate Whigs 
and Tories. When this move failed to check them, the 
lord treasurer was forced to turn to the Whigs. He 
secured the support of the junto, and the Tories were 
routed, but this was only the beginning of his tribulations. 

After 1704, Godolphin struggled on under an ever 
increasing burden of responsibility. He was villified by 
the Tories for his alliance with the Whigs, and damned 
by the latter because he was so slow in finding them offices 
in the government. He was greatly handicapped in all 
his plans, particularly with reference to appointments ; 
not only had he to secure Anne's consent — ofttimes a 
trying ordeal — but his selections had to be approved by 
one or both of the Marlboroughs, and probably by Harley 
as well. Worst of all, when he failed to place some 
influential politician in office, he was held jointly respon- 
sible with the duchess, although both may have favored 
that particular candidate, but found themselves blocked 
by the queen. To explain the facts to the applicant would 
be only to incite the added odium of lying. 

Despite the manifold difficulties surrounding his work, 
Godolphin unquestionably controlled the ministry for the 
first years of the reign, although there are signs that his 
influence with Anne was declining at the close of the 
second year. 2 Numerous fragments and letters which he 
wrote from 1702 to 1705 show that he was influential in 
determining the patronage and directing the activity of 
the cabinet council. Nottingham was the recipient of 
many short notes, directing him to take care of important 

i J. Hervey, Letter Books, I. 194; Add. MSS. (Bodl.), CXCI. f. 25. 
2 Swift, Some Considerations upon the Death of the Queen. 



240 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

business, which Godolphin wished to be handled in a cer- 
tain specified way. 1 Harley also received many messages 
of moment from the lord treasurer. From the same 
sources, the impression is created that on vital matters 
connected with foreign affairs, and especially with 
domestic politics, the queen had to be consulted, and em- 
barrassing delays ensued because she failed to accede 
promptly to the wishes of her ministers. 2 

In the many duties of his office, the lord treasurer had 
to have the aid of colleagues to carry out his plans, and 
he learned, to his cost, that skilful assistants were hard 
to find. Early in the reign he began to depend more and 
more upon Harley, who took a hearty and intelligent 
interest in the plans of the ministry until eventually he 
was made secretary of state. Very early in the reign 
Harley was called upon to make suggestions for the 
queen's speeches, to facilitate the passage of the special 
grant to Marlborough, and to carry the election of 1702. 
Later, the lord treasurer urged him to mitigate, if he 
could not prevent, the indirect attack upon Prince George 
through an investigation of the Admiralty. 3 By May, 
1704, Godolphin distrusted Whigs and Tories alike, so 
it was a relief to him to be able to unburden himself to 
the new member of the ministry, because he was able to 
appreciate the trying situation. Henceforth, his depend- 
ence upon Harley and the queen grew as the Whigs ac- 
quired greater stability and better organization. Soon 

i A great mass of this correspondence is found in the Nottingham Papers, 
Add. MSS., 29588 and 29589, notably folios 279, 335, 369, 395, 402, in the 
first volume, and folios 76, 81, 395, in the second. Other letters are in 
S. P. Dom., Anne, III. 6; S. P. Dom., Entry Book, CI. and Cal. S. P. Dom. 
(1702-3), both passim. 

2 Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, ff. 81, 113, 179, 398; ib., 29588, 
f. 367. 

aPortl. MSS., IV. 34-54, 74; Morrison, V. 78. See also Marlb. MSS., 
p. 43. 



THE MARLBOROUGHS AND GODOLPHIN 241 

the secretary was taken into complete confidence in 
choosing court officials and determining' important minis- 
terial policies. 

In this way, not only Godolphin, but the Marlboroughs 
depended on Harley's efficient support; the latter was 
throughout this period just as much a colleague of the 
one as of the others. When the reign was still young, the 
duke wrote the speaker (Harley) of his intention to with- 
draw from political, and probably from military affairs 
as well. This intimacy increased among the three, until 
together they fought against the "tack" and the "invi- 
tation." Most of their co-operation was secret, but even 
at the beginning, some shrewd politicians looked upon 
the three as the governing body of England. 1 

Without question, Godolphin 's greatest single achieve- 
ment was the union with Scotland, but next to it in im- 
portance was his financing of the war against Louis XIV. 
His success was due not merely to astute diplomacy, but 
to his ability also to secure the co-operation of the greedy, 
disagreeable quintet who governed the destinies of the 
Whigs. To secure this co-operation he made promises, 
the fulfilment of which he delayed as long as possible. 
Conceding here a little, and there a little, he kept the 
reins of government out of their hands until the time 
came when their reward could no longer be deferred, 
even in the face of Marlborough's victories. When 
reverses instead of victories came, the ministry was 
obliged to meet the junto's demands. But the queen was 
as unreasonable as ever about admitting Whigs to any 
sort of office. In attempting to mediate between Anne 
and the junto, Godolphin incurred the wrath of both 
without securing the favor of either. 

This was the moment when Godolphin assured the 
Whigs, infuriated at Trelawny's translation to Win- 

iPortl. MSS., IV. 118-9, 147; James, III. 254-260, passim. 



242 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Chester, that their interests would be consulted in filling 
the vacant bishoprics at Chester and Exeter. When 
Anne refused to reconsider her promises, in the face of 
appeals and threats of resignation on the part of Marl- 
borough and Godolphin, they concluded that Harley, 
aided by Mrs. Masham, had been secretly supporting 
her. 1 Despite emphatic denials of the charge by both 
Anne and the secretary, the latter seemed to be much 
under suspicion, and his colleagues decided to bring 
about his dismissal. Yet Harley was so indispensable 
that Godolphin continued to discuss intimate foreign and 
domestic matters with him. Among other things he 
wrote : "The Queen remembers her promise to the Bishop 
of Rochester, that his brother-in-law should have the first 
vacant prebendary at Westminster." 2 The lord treas- 
urer was probably fighting for time, as he had already 
asked Marlborough to return to England at once and 
make a special appeal to Anne to dismiss the man who 
had risen to be their dangerous rival in her affections. 
In this attempt they succeeded, and Harley resigned from 
the ministry. 

In this chapter we have examined the relation of the 
duchess to affairs of state, and concluded that her in- 
fluence in public matters was much circumscribed. We 
have also found that the duke exerted great power over 
political affairs, but that his real strength lay in the 
realms of diplomacy and warfare. Domestic problems 
he consigned largely to Godolphin, who finding himself 
unequal to the task, brought to his aid the shrewd politi- 
cal acumen of Harley, whose power steadily increased 
until it threatened to outstrip that of his colleagues in 
the cabinet. 

iMarlb. MSS., p. 41; Morrison, IV. 148; Coxe, II. 137. 
2 Bath MSS., I. 182. 



CHAPTER VI 

THE FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 

(1700-1704) 

Having finished our study of the influence of the queen 
in English political affairs from 1702 to 1704, and having 
examined the relative importance of the Marlboroughs 
and Godolphin in public affairs during the same period, 
it next becomes necessary to study the relations existing 
between these four and another important member of 
the ministry — Robert Harley. Soon after Anne's acces- 
sion it became evident that four men were assuming the 
leading roles in the government. The Earl of Rochester 
was the queen's uncle, but his conduct displeased Anne 
and he was straightway disgraced. Marlborough was 
not only the leading general, but the husband of Anne's 
closest friend. Associated with him as lord treasurer and 
leading minister was Godolphin, whose son had married 
Marlborough's eldest daughter; while Robert Harley, 
speaker of the House of Commons, closely co-operated 
with both of them. The last three, indeed, administered 
the military, financial, and political affairs of the realm 
during the first years of the reign, when no real partisan 
ministry existed. Hitherto, Harley 's relations with 
Marlborough, Godolphin, and the queen have been little 
studied, and we purpose here to describe his political 
activity during the first two years of the reign. 

Harley came of a leading family of the country gentry, 
received an excellent education at Shilton, studied law, 
and was admitted to the Inner Temple the year he 



244 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

reached his majority. In 1689 he was returned to par- 
liament and was at once appointed one of the commis- 
sioners to unite the rival East India companies. In 1694 
he aroused the king's wrath by championing the Tri- 
ennial Bill. 1 Two years later he took the lead in estab- 
lishing Chamberlain's land bank as a Tory rival of the 
Bank of England, 2 but the project failed through the 
hostility of the financial interests, and brought down upon 
him, though connected with them by marriage, the wrath 
of these business men. 3 

Harley now became one of the foremost leaders of the 
Tory opposition. In the celebrated Fenwick case he 
spoke against the bill of attainder. 4 The following year 
he moved that the English army be reduced to the quota 
of 1680. A bill to that effect, after being amended so as 
to exclude foreigners, passed, much to the dismay of the 
king, who considered it a direct insult. 5 As one of the 
commissioners of accounts, Harley persistently op- 
posed Montagu, the leader of the Commons and chief 
finance minister, while he was also concerned with the 
inquiry into William's disposal of the confiscated Irish 
estates, another matter which gave the king no little dis- 
quietude. In the impeachment proceedings against 

i The best contemporary account of Harley 's life is the Memoirs of 
Edward Harley, his brother, printed in the Portl. MSS., V. 645-69. 

2 Portl. MSS., V. 646; J. E. T. Rogers, The First Nine Years of the Bank 
of England, pp. 50-1 ; A. Andreades, History of the Bank of England, p. 
104. 

3 Portl. MSS., III. 522, 557. His first wife was the daughter of Thomas 
Foley, a prominent Herefordshire gentleman, who had made a fortune in 
trade, and whose sons, Paul and Thomas, were prominent Tory leaders. 
Harley succeeded Paul as speaker, lb., 384, 483, 552, IV. 45; Burnet, IV. 
197. See also The Life, Birth, and Character of Harley. 

*Py. Hist., V. 1104; Macaulay, Hist., pp. 2665-8. 

s Letter from L 'Hermitage to Heinsins, Rijks Archief, 10 December, 
1697; P. Grimblot, Letters of William III and Louis XIV, I. 147-9; Ed. 
Rev., CLXXXVII. 159. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 245 

Soniers and Montagu, lie wished to carry a vote of cen- 
sure before the charges against the ministers could be 
read, and so strong was his following that the motion was 
lost by only thirty-six votes. 1 Harley continually op- 
posed the ministry either from principle or from "not 
being considered at the Revolution as he thought he de- 
served. " 2 When William grew weary of the arrogant 
Whigs, the Tories came into power for a short time, and 
the king was attracted towards the young Tory who had 
given him so much trouble. Indeed, the two became 
reconciled and Harley aided William in carrying out 
some of his most cherished plans. 

Thus Harley, from his first year in parliament, earned 
an enviable reputation for intelligence and political 
acumen, while his letters during the last years of the 
reign are filled with matters of political significance. 
St. John, Shrewsbury, Marlborough, Godolphin, Notting- 
ham, Musgrave, Rochester, and even that perennial in- 
triguer, Sunderland, were his confidential correspond- 
ents ; and some of them thought that their communica- 
tions were sufficiently important to necessitate the use 
of a difficult cipher, to which, unfortunately, no complete 
key has ever been found. 3 

Just what the policies of these men were it is difficult, 
perhaps impossible, to say, as the political policies of 
Godolphin and Sunderland were usually obscure, 4 but it 

i Macaulay, p. 2952. See also Forth MSS., III. 612; E. S. Koscoe, Harley, 
p. 26; W. C. Townshend, Memoirs of the House of Commons (2d ed.), II. 88. 

2 Burnet, IV. 470; J. H. Jesse, Memoirs of the Court of England, II. 35. 

*Bath MSS., I. 51-7; Portl. MSS., III. 625, IV. 4. The cipher was in 
use over a year. Proof of the importance attached to it is found in a letter 
to Harley : ' ' You may be assured that I burn all your letters ... as I 
desire you to do the same with mine." Portl. MSS., III. 627. Koger Coke 
and Henry Guy were other regular correspondents. lb., 467, sq. For a 
time Harley was friendly with Burnet. II. C. Foxcroft, Supplement to 
Burnet, pp. ix-x. 

* Probably they were only preparing to pass the Act of Settlement, but 



246 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

is certain that they were drawn closely together in their 
scheming, and that both Sunderland and Godolphin 
learned enough of Harley 's ability to awaken their 
respect. Both of the latter, as well as Seymour, Roch- 
ester, and the king himself, were vitally interested in the 
first election of 1701, and urged Harley to become a can- 
didate for the speakership, in order that the controverted 
elections, which were exceptionally important in this 
parliament, might be skilfully handled. 1 With such sup- 
port from Godolphin and the others, Harley was readily 
chosen to preside over the lower house. 

Having been elected, he accepted the office and plunged 
into the midst of the political fray in the Commons with 
enthusiasm. The Kentish petition was presented to this 
parliament and the harsh treatment accorded the peti- 
tioners by the lower house led Defoe to write Legion's 
Memorial, copies of which he may have delivered to 
Harley in person. The speaker's management of election 
cases must have given satisfaction, for his popularity 
increased. He was as much interested in the second elec- 
tion of 1701 as he had been in the first, 2 and the Commons 
at once re-elected him speaker, although by the slender 
majority of four in a crowded house — a result which may 

there is no doubt that most of thern, like Marlborough, worked with the 
alternative of a Stuart Eestoration in mind. 

iC. J., XIII. 325; James, III. 143. "When you come hither you will 
find a great deal more noise of the briberies and violence in several places. 
Your friends do think that if 104 [Harley] were here now it would be but 
time enough for many important things; but 79 [Rochester] and 78 [Godol- 
phin] are positive that if he is not here a week before the 6 th Feb. it will 
be of ill consequence. ... I have since been with 67 [the King] who has 
most earnestly enquired when 104 would come. And tho 79 and 78 enjoined 
me this morning to press 440 [Harley] to come, yet this afternoon they sent 
me a letter to press me to it effectually." Letter to Harley, Portl. MSS., 
IV. 14. See also ib., 13; Townshend, Memoirs of House of Commons, I. 84; 
A. I. Dasent, Speakers of the House of Commons, p. 236. 

2 Coke MSS., II. 443 ; Portl. MSS., IV. 28. 



FORMATION OF THE " TRIUMVIRATE" 247 

have been due to William's lack of support, or open oppo- 
sition. 1 Besides, the Whigs were again in power in the 
new house, which had been elected after Louis XIV 's 
recognition of the Pretender. Led by the junto, this 
party wished to defeat Harley. To counterbalance them, 
Somerset, and probably Shrewsbury as well, aided mate- 
rially in forwarding the candidacy of the man whom 
they were later to disgrace. 2 

Immediately after his re-election, Harley found himself 
overwhelmed with work. For months it had been real- 
ized that the king was failing rapidly, and that speedy 
arrangements must be made for guaranteeing the suc- 
cession. After the Duke of Gloucester's death in 1700, 
this need was imperative, because when William died, 
only the life of Anne seemed to stand between Great 
Britain and anarchy, while James II looked expectantly 
across the Channel. Such a situation led to the passage 
of the Act of Settlement, 3 providing for the succession 
to the throne of Sophia, Electress of Hanover, and her 
Protestant descendants. Even after this had been 
accomplished, parliament had much to do before England 
could be assured that Anne would quietly assume the 
crown. 4 

Fully as urgent were the demands of foreign war. 
William III had brought about the Grand Alliance, but 
before all arrangements could be completed he passed 

i C. J., XIII. 645 ; Luttrell, V. 125. A contemporary says that William 
was "easy at it." Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, f. 18. 

2 James, III. 143 ; Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, f . 18. 

3 Harley 's part in passing this act may be conjectured from Godolphin's 
letter to him. Portl. MSS., IV. 4. See lb., III. 627-32, IV. 22. 

4 The Abjuration Bill was the most important measure passed by this 
parliament, but it was passed so late that the king was too weak to sign it, 
so he used a stamp instead. Hatton-Finch Papers, Add. MSS., 29595, f. 
270. It was rumored that the king refused to sign the bill and the stamp 
was employed after his death. Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 28588, f. 18. 
See Annals of King George [I], I. 17. 



248 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

away, leaving his plans to be carried out by Marlborough, 
who excelled him as much in military genius as he fell 
below him in character. It was well for England at this 
juncture that Marlborough, Godolphin, and Harley en- 
joyed the queen's confidence, for as a result of their co- 
operation, military preparations continued apace after 
William's death. 1 

During the arrangements for Anne 's accession, Harley 
had impressed the members of the Commons with his 
ability as a parliamentary manager and tactician. His 
usefulness was most apparent, however, to Marlborough 
and Godolphin, who realized that his services in the im- 
pending election were indispensable, as both were thor- 
oughly aware of their own lack of electioneering ability. 
Harley, on his part, was perfectly willing to work with 
them, since no colleagues more to his liking were then in 
places of power, and he saw "no difference between a 
mad Whig and a mad Tory. ' ' 2 

Several months passed before the pollings began. 
Meanwhile, the old parliament had to go on, and there 
was still need for Harley 's services. "You were pleased 
to tell me today in the House of Commons that what the 
Queen was to speak from the throne, was to be to the 
same purpose with that she said at the [Privy] Council," 
wrote Godolphin the day of Anne's accession. "I wish 
you could have time to make a draft of it yourself, and 
appoint us to come to your house to night to show the 
draft. You may speak to whom you like to have there. ' ' 3 

This last remark seems to refer to the select group 
which is sometimes spoken of as the "inner cabinet," 
and probably consisted of Marlborough, Godolphin, 

i Rijks Archief, 26 A , Marlborough to the States-General, March 18, 1702; 
Von Noorden, I. 193; P. C. Reg., LXXIX. 113-4. 
2Coxe Papers, XLI. 22; Thomson, I. 372. 
sPortl. MSS., IV. 34; cf. 33. 






FORMATION OF THE " TRIUMVIRATE" 249 

Harley, Rochester, Somerset, and perhaps a few others. 1 
Two months later, Godolphin wrote Harley another con- 
fidential note which clearly indicated the close under- 
standing that existed between the first three. 2 Two weeks 
more had scarcely passed before the speaker received a 
letter concerning another secret conference with the lord 
treasurer, apropos of the queen's speech proroguing par- 
liament. Almost at the same moment, Godolphin pro- 
vided for a secret meeting between Anne and Harley, 3 
probably to discuss plans for the ensuing elections. For 
a few weeks thereafter, both men were engrossed in look- 
ing after the patronage and preparing for the election. 
While at Bath that autumn with the court, Godolphin 
prepared a rough draft of Anne's speech to her first 
parliament, which he sent to Harley, asking for "re- 
marks and observations upon it with all freedom." The 
speaker's suggestions were immediately returned and 
Godolphin promised "to observe the hints." A year 
later, Harley was again requested "to prepare the heads 
of what is proper to be said to the Parliament. ' M 

In the election, the speaker fulfilled all the expecta- 
tions of Marlborough and Godolphin. He or his agents 
seem to have been everywhere. Even before the disso- 
lution, Harley himself visited some of the assizes, urging 
an early session of parliament. 5 The elections were hard 

i Portl. MSS., IV. 33, 39. The last two were soon dropped from the group. 

2 ' ' The Queen designs to lie at the House to morrow to pass the bills. I 
was told you had thoughts of coming to see Lord Marlborough this night, 
who is not yet well. I hope to be with him before nine. In case you design 
him that favor, it may be necessary to let him or me know it, that orders 
may be given for your seeing him. ' ' Portl. MSS., IV. 38. See also ib., 
33, 39; An Account of the Conduct of Robert, Earl of Oxford, p. 11. 

3 Portl. MSS., IV. 43. 

* lb., 47, 48, 72. Consult 53-4. 

s Morrison, V. 148; Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, ff. 3-4; Burnet, 
V. 48. 



250 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAKTIES 

fought, 1 but the Tories, encouraged by the queen's pre- 
dilections and open favor, won a considerable majority 
and Harley was again chosen speaker. 

In that troubled period, it was a real achievement for 
a man to be thrice selected for this coveted political 
honor, but Harley 's ability to direct the deliberations of 
the Commons was so manifest that there had been no 
question about his selection in 1702. It was, in one sense, 
the just reward of an adroit political manager, who was 
placed in a most important office in the government. 
Although the House of Commons had not acquired the 
preponderance of power it was to exert a generation 
later, Harley 's work as speaker tended unquestionably 
to add to its prestige, 2 not merely because of the power 
he exercised as presiding officer of the Commons, but 
mainly because he used the office as a point of vantage 
from which to carry into effect his political schemes. 

At the beginning of the war, foreign affairs were of 
superlative importance. For the first two years, Harley 's 
influence here was small, although steadily growing, for 
this phase of government was taken care of by Marl- 
borough, with increasing assistance from Godolphin, as 
the burden of military operations became greater. The 
international situation was full of difficulties which were 
augmented beyond measure by the factious attitude of 
such Tory leaders as Rochester, who insisted that it was 
not England's quarrel, and like many political leaders 
of • all ages, argued that his country might easily make 
money out of the war, if she did not join as an active 
combatant on land. This attitude of the Highfliers 

i Coke MSS., III. 21; Luttrell, V. 159; Harley was particularly inter- 
ested in the Herefordshire election which he termed a four-day riot. Morri- 
son, V. 77-8. The number of controverted elections was exceptionally large. 
C. J., XIV. passim. 

2 See J. A. Manning, Speakers of the House of Commons; Porritt, TJn re- 
formed Bouse of Commons, I. 446. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 251 

caused the greatest alarm among Dutch statesmen, whose 
fears were, however, dissipated by Anne's straight- 
forward letters to the States-General, and her immediate 
dispatch of Marlborough to Holland as a special envoy. 1 
Yet neither move made the task of the ministerial leaders 
any easier in parliament. Harley needed all his skill in 
the Commons to keep the hot-headed Tories and Jaco- 
bites from complicating the situation, not only with Hol- 
land but with the other allies. Jersey, one of the most 
rabid of their number, protested vigorously because his 
colleague, Nottingham, had approved of Prince Eugene's 
visiting London. He said that the invitation was the 
work of Count Wratislaw, the imperial envoy, and he 
insisted that the Whigs thought by this method to gain 
more money in England for the Grand Alliance. 2 

As the years of the war dragged on, taxes grew 
heavier because of the failure of Holland and the Empire 
to live up to their promises, and the cry of the landed 
gentry became louder when no decisive victory was 
gained to force France to her knees. Anne indignantly 
remonstrated with the Dutch because their quota of 
troops was lacking 3 and similar remissness by Austria 
furnished an excuse for bitter attacks upon the ministry, 
keeping the speaker on the qui vive to prevent outbreaks 
which smacked of disloyalty to their allies. 

Even more dangerous to the peace of mind of the min- 
istry were the Jacobite plans in favor of the Pretender. 
Marlborough and Godolphin were kindly disposed, per- 
sonally, towards Prince James, whose father they had 
helped to exile, but the difficulty of dealing with the 

lEijks Archief, lias 6937, ff. 107, 119, 121; Von Noorden, I. 206. The 
Duke of Albemarle said that some Tories did not expect Anne to declare 
war. L 'Hermitage, however, had no such fears. Eijks Archief, 26 A . 

2 Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, f. 121. 

a Rijks Archief, lias 6938, f. 1309. 



252 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Jacobites was immeasurably increased, since the queen 
would not believe that their number was sufficiently large 
for them to attempt to force Catholicism upon England. 1 
Moreover, the ministers had to exercise great tact lest 
their attitude towards the Pretender might offend his 
royal sister, and at the same time prejudice their own 
cause with one who might later become their sovereign. 
Harley was fully aware of this danger, and did much to 
keep the question in the background. 2 

Anne's extreme sensitiveness as to the succession best 
appears from her treatment of the Hanoverian family. 
A long, dreary correspondence took place to decide 
whether Winchelsea, the queen's envoy, should upon his 
presentation, kiss the hand of the Electress Sophia. It 
was finally decided in the affirmative, not that Anne 
wished to show so much favor to the Hanoverian family, 
but because previous English envoys had established a 
precedent. 3 Both the Whigs and the Tories displayed a 
similar nervousness in discussing the advisability of 
inviting a member of this house to reside in England, 
and Harley needed to be always alert to prevent peevish 
members of the Commons from reflecting upon the 
Hanoverians. 

Trouble also arose over another provision of the Act 
of Settlement, requiring all important acts of the Privy 
Council to be countersigned by five members. Harley 
found a way out, however, by repealing that section of 
the act, 4 thus permitting the ministry to exercise full 
administrative power, while removing from the ministers 
the future danger of impeachment, which might arise 
when another party came into power. 

i Marlb. MSS., p. 52 ; Macpherson, I. 623. 

2 Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, ff. 2-4. 

3 S. P. Dom., Entry Book, CI. 309 ; S. P. For., German States, CLX. 
passim; Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29588, ff. 193, 275, 285. 

* W. M. Torrens, History of Cabinets, pp. 40-2. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 253 

The negotiation of the union with Scotland was long- 
under consideration, although Anne had steadily urged 
the necessity of it. Measures had been taken to dismiss 
the Duke of Queensberry from William's service, but 
Anne wisely re-appointed him a commissioner for secur- 
ing the union. 1 In 1703, there was a conspiracy in Scot- 
land against the English government, but the queen had 
such complete, detailed knowledge of it that the only 
tangible result of the "Scotch Plot" was a quarrel 
between the two houses, 2 over their respective jurisdic- 
tions, in which the speaker, of course, took a conspicuous 
part in defending the rights of the Commons. 

Harley was most useful in promoting the union. Early 
in the reign, he was in constant communication with 
Scotland through the Scottish statesman and divine, 
William Carstares, and soon had such efficient agents as 
Defoe and Greg working under his direction, while 
Ogilvie and Paterson acted as confidential representa- 
tives of Godolphin and Harley respectively. 3 The com- 
bined result of their industry gave the English ministers 
full and accurate information of the attitude of the 
Scots towards the union. 

Until 1704, the speaker's part in foreign affairs indi- 
cates that his influence was mainly indirect, 4 except in 

i Culloden Papers, p. 29; Portl. HISS., IV. 7; House of Lords (n. s.), 
VI. 27. 

2 Hatton-Finch Papers, Add. MSS., 29587, ff. 124-36; Add. MSS., 20311, 
passim; Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34526, f. 80^. 

3 Portl. MSS., VIII. Ill, 299, 314, sq. The Earl of Seafield was the per- 
sonal representative of Godolphin, although his correspondence with Harley 
was extensive. See his Letters relating to Scotland in the Beign of Anne. 

4 Harley 's influence was sometimes direct. Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 
28055, ff. 2-4. Diplomats were much pleased at his appointment as secre- 
tary of state. Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7077, f. 26. During the opening 
months of the reign, Nottingham was the leading secretary of state, but 
an examination of his correspondence, both official and private, in the Not- 
tingham Papers leads the writer to the same conclusion about Godolphin as 



254 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Scotland. All evidence shows that he was essentially a 
domestic statesman, with little inherent liking or interest 
for diplomacy. Under William he had shown great inter- 
est in finance, which did not lessen in Anne's reign, but 
here again, his influence was at first mainly by indirection, 
as his suggestions were made to Godolphin. 1 Marl- 
borough, of course, supervised military affairs, although 
he depended upon Godolphin to secure the money to pros- 
ecute the war. To outline revenue measures was not 
sufficient, since such measures had to be drafted into bills, 
and then passed through parliament. The enormous 
appropriations of the period bear witness to Harley's 
success in piloting money bills, such as the land tax, 
through the Commons. In the elections, Harley was 
probably at his best, although in the whole realm of do- 
mestic politics, his relations with Marlborough, Godol- 
phin, and the queen grew more intimate. 2 Godolphin and 
Harley were constantly in consultation, and whenever 
military affairs permitted, Marlborough joined them. 
The speaker was early in the reign admitted into the 
sanctum sanctorum. Before the end of Anne's first year 
on the throne, Godolphin wrote to Harley: "Sunday 
ought to be a day of rest to all people, and you, particu- 
larly ; and yet I find by the Duke of Marlborough as well 

that reached by Sir James Mackintosh after he had studied the Blenheim 
Papers, now inaccessible. This historian records the impression that Godol- 
phin ' ' takes more part in foreign politics than I thought. ' ' Mackintosh 
Papers, Add. MSS., 34513, f. 164. Nottingham apparently did little more 
than carry out Godolphin 's orders. S. P. Dom., German States, CLX. 
passim; Nottingham Papers, 29588, ff. 352-4. 

i Port!. MSS., VIII. 96; IV. 18, 22, sq.; Eoscoe, Harley, pp. 15, 22. 
Harley had put Godolphin in touch with Paterson. Portl. MSS., IV. 43. 

2 Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, ff. 3-7. These letters, as well as 
those in the Portl. MSS., IV., show that Harley's correspondence covers the 
whole gamut of political affairs, and that he was never prodigal in his 
recommendations to Godolphin. See Macaulay, pp. 2808-9; L. Von Ranke, 
Eng. Hist., V. 347. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 255 

as by myself that we should very much desire to see 
you at my house to morrow before five." The time set 
was an hour before the regular weekly meeting of the 
cabinet council, and the purpose evidently was to per- 
fect their plans for that session. Soon Godolphin in- 
sisted that the three should hold special semi-weekly 
consultations. "Besides these meetings and those agreed 
upon last night to be at your house," he wrote, "it 
is necessary above all the rest that the Duke . . . you 
and I should meet regularly at least twice a week, if 
not oftener, to advise upon everything that shall occur; 
and if you give me leave to propose let Saturday eve- 
ning at the same time and place be the first meeting." 1 
One evening Harley and Godolphin apparently quar- 
reled while in their cups. The next morning the latter 
hastened to apologize, adding: "I have full power from 
my Lord M[arlborough] to leave this matter wholly 
in your hands to give it the form to morrow, which 
you think will be least disrespectful to the Queen." 2 
Marlborough's intimacy with Harley at this time is also 
shown in a long letter discussing the bitterness of politi- 
cal strife. ' i I am sensibly concerned at what you mention 
of the heats between the two parties," he said, "and 
should esteem it the greatest happiness of my life if I 
could anyway contribute toward allaying them. ... I 
must add without a complaint, that my greatest ease and 
satisfaction is in the hopes I have for the Lord Treas- 
urer's and your abilities and prudent management of 
these affairs wherein upon my return I shall be ready to 

i Portl.'MSS., V. 58, 75. In the second letter, Godolphin begged Harley 
"to be careful that neither of our names be mentioned, as to our knowledge 
of the least tittle of the discourse betwixt Lord Nottingham and Sir Christo- 
pher Musgrave as to the conversation his lordship had with the Queen. ' ' See 
also Bath MSS., I. 57, and Forth MSB., IV. 54, 74. 

2 Forth MSS., IV. 53-4. See also A. A. Locke, The Seymour Family, 
p. 224. 



256 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

give my assistance and to be solely governed by yours 
and his lordship's good advice." 1 

"When the Commons stubbornly opposed a pension to 
Marlborough in 1702, Godolphin at once appealed to Har- 
ley, and it was Harley also who took in hand the first Oc- 
casional Conformity Bill. ''I hear the gentlemen will 
meet at your house without the Lords, and endeavour to 
agree upon what shall be done tomorrow," wrote the 
lord treasurer, and he begged Harley to inform Marl- 
borough of their decision at once. The speaker so ar- 
ranged matters in the Commons that the bill providing a 
separate allowance for Prince George, should he outlive 
the queen, did not interfere with other appropriations 
which were distasteful to the gentry. 2 In other ways his 
services were absolutely necessary if the Highfliers were 
to be beaten. Godolphin later requested him to summon 
the leading Commoners to meet with Marlborough and 
himself at the home of Boyle, an important "Whig, to dis- 
cuss measures preparatory to a struggle in the Lords 
over the third Occasional Conformity Bill. 3 Even then, 
it took all the political ingenuity of Godolphin, as head of 
the ministry, and of Harley, as speaker, to guide minis- 
terial measures safely through the maze of political in- 
trigue, and at the same time defeat the schemes of their 
opponents. 

Godolphin placed an entire dependence upon the 
"Speaker who is very industrious, and has found things 
two or three several ways, which may chance to make 
some of them uneasy. ' ' 4 Already the duke was under obli- 
gations to Harley for informing him of Nottingham's 

i Bath MSS., I. 56. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 53-4; Coxe, I. 103; Wyon, I. 144. See also Bath MSS., 
I. 57-60. 

3 Portl. MSS., IV. 155. 

i Coxe, I. 312. See also Portl. MSS., IV. 118; Wyon, I. 239. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 257 

quiet machinations, which were sufficiently serious to 
bring about his dismissal early in 1704. After this, the 
trio worked in peace, as their greatest menace was gone 
with the elimination of High Churchmen from the min- 
istry. Harley's system of intelligence was not neglected, 
however, and constantly brought valuable results. 

The same confidential co-operation is discerned be- 
tween Harley and Godolphin in their treatment of Defoe, 
who first came into prominence in 1701 by writing 
Legion's Humble Address. He may possibly have known 
Harley at the time, as he was never punished for this dar- 
ing attack upon the Commons, although Anne offered a 
reward for the apprehension of the printer. Almost at 
once, the speaker suggested to the lord treasurer that 
it would be of "great service to have some discreet writer 
of the Government's side, if it were only to state facts 
right; for the generality err for want of knowledge, and 
being imposed upon by the storys raised by ill-designing 
men." 1 He probably had in mind Defoe, who at once 
wrote An Enquiry into Occasional Conformity, setting 
forth views similar to those held by Harley and the 
queen. 2 Within a few weeks Defoe produced The Shortest 
Way with the Dissenters, and awoke to find himself 
famous. 3 His real purpose was to discredit the High- 
fliers, but his sarcasm was too subtle for these zealous 
Anglicans, who applauded the spirit of intolerance there 
manifested. When the hoax was eventually discovered, 
he had good reasons to bewail his notoriety, as Notting- 
ham immediately issued a warrant for his arrest, in spite 

i Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, f. 7; Eoscoe, Harley, p. 72. 

2 D. H. Stevens says that their relations began ' ' soon after the crowning 
of Anne," but his evidence is scarcely convincing. Party Politics arid Eng- 
lish Journalism,, p. 8. 

3 Defoe published this tract, according to Wright, ' ' with the hearty 
approval of the Whig leaders, of whom Harley was facile princeps." 
Defoe, p. 67. 



258 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

of the fact that he had written the day before, apologizing 
for his concealment, begging the queen's mercy, and 
agreeing to serve as a volunteer if pardoned. 1 

The High Churchmen had decided to make an example 
of him, and he was eventually imprisoned despite his ef- 
forts to prevent capture. 2 Not long before, he had appar- 
ently asked Paterson to sound Harley as to his attitude. 3 
Nottingham was fully convinced that Defoe had accom- 
plices, and probably suspecting Harley, was anxious to 
secure a confession from the writer. It is not clear that 
the speaker was implicated, but he unquestionably 
labored hard for Defoe's release. His friend, William 
Penn, informed both Godolphin and the Duke of Buck- 
ingham that Defoe would confess everything. This so 
pleased the queen that she called a meeting of the cabinet 
council to discuss the case. 4 She was convinced, how- 
ever, that his testimony amounted to ' i nothing, ' ' but was 
willing to leave the matter to the " Lords of the Commit- 
tee to let the sentence be executed tomorrow, or not till 
after Sunday [the next meeting of the cabinet council] 
if they think proper." 5 A week later Defoe stood for his 
first time in the pillory. Expecting such punishment to 
break his spirit, Nottingham and Buckingham waited 
upon him in prison, and promised him his freedom, if he 
would betray his confederates. He refused, but Harley 
was now moved to interfere actively in his behalf, and 
suggested to Godolphin that Defoe was too valuable a 
man for the ministry to permit to remain in prison, be- 
cause "if his fine be satisfied without any other knowl- 

i S. P. Dom., Anne, II. 27; Portl. MSS., IV. 61; London Gazette, 10 
January, 1703. 

2Cal. S. P. Dom. (1702-1703), p. 726; "An Unpublished Letter of De- 
foe," E. E. B., XXII. 131. 

3 Portl. MSS., IV. 62. 

4 Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, f. 628; Burton, I. 98. 
s Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, f. 44. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 259 

edge but . . . that it is the Queen's bounty to him and 
grace, he may do service, and this may engage him better 
than any after rewards and keep him more under the 
power of an obligation. " "I have found it proper to read 
some paragraphs of your letter to the Queen," replied 
Godolphin. "What you propose about Defoe may be done 
when you will and how you will. ' n In this way the High- 
fliers were outwitted and Defoe released from prison at 
the close of 1703. 2 

Harley's actions were not wholly unselfish. He was 
' ' planning for his own political advancement, and having 
a clearer conception than any other statesman of the 
period of the important part the press might be made 
to play in politics ' ' 3 he realized how powerful an influence 
could be exerted in public affairs by this talented, in- 
dustrious writer. Pamphlets and poems were all well 
enough, but a periodical would be better, and it was 
probably at Harley's suggestion that the Review was 
begun soon after Defoe left Newgate. 4 The influence of 
this paper upon politics was very large, but its author 
was at the same time writing far more than his share of 
the controversial pamphlets of the day. He stands a 
living marvel of what untiring industry can accomplish 
in letters. 

Defoe, however, was useful in other ways. To secure 
most necessary information as to the political tempera- 

i Portl. MSS., IV. 68 ; Marlb. MSS., 43 ; Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 
29589, ff. 28, 45 ; Wright, Defoe, p. 79. 

2 See articles by Professor W. P. Trent, in the Nation (N. Y.), LXXXIV. 
515, LXXXV. 29, 180. Defoe's letter to Harley, 9 November, thanking 
him for "his bounty," would indicate that lie might have been free at that 
time. Portl. MSS., IV. 75. 

3 W. P. Trent, Defoe; How to Know Him, p. 60; Chalmers, Defoe, p. 23. 
* Their communications were necessarily secret. See Bateson, ' ' The 

Eelation of Defoe and Harley," E. H. B., XV. 241-3; W. D. Rannie, Defoe, 
p. 39. 



260 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

ture of England, Harley engaged this sleepless observer, 
who traveled over the island in search of political infor- 
mation. Within a few months, Godolphin desired from 
him the names and addresses of Londoners carrying on 
designs in favor of the Pretender, and wished to relieve 
Harley of the expenses incident to Defoe's varied activi- 
ties, which had already proved so helpful to the minis- 
ters. 1 In fact, Defoe's services were invaluable in the 
elections of 1705, and in the negotiations for the union, 
as well as in other important political matters. 2 

The early career of Defoe indicates the close co- 
operation of Harley and Godolphin in the most important 
public affairs, and it may readily be assumed that Marl- 
borough also approved of their employing so gifted a 
pamphleteer and journalist. However confidential the 
relations of Harley with the duke and lord treasurer 
may have been, his political influence would depend 
ultimately upon his enjoyment of the queen's confidence. 
Although he had written many of her earlier speeches, 
that in itself would not necessarily mean that she trusted 
him, unless we had other reasons for knowing that he 
stood high in Anne 's favor. It was practically inevitable 
that one who held the confidence of Marlborough and 
Godolphin should see a great deal of the queen, but when 
that man was speaker and enjoyed personal access to his 
sovereign by virtue of his position, such intercourse 
becomes a certainty. Yet, these opportunities for meet- 
ing her were soon found insufficient, and before the reign 
was six months old, Harley was interviewing her by way 
of the backstairs. 

It has been urged again and again that the speaker 
owed his rise in Anne's favor to his relations with Mrs. 

iPortl. MSS., IV. 155; Wyon, I. 139; Camb. Hist. Eng. Lit., IX. 8. 
2 Bath MSS., I. 61, 64; Portl. MSS., IV. 83, 137; S. P. Dom., Anne, VI. 
88, 106. See an "Unpublished Letter of Defoe," E. E. E., XXII. 132, sq. 






FORMATION OF THE " TRIUMVIRATE" 261 

Masliam, her favorite. This position is untenable, be- 
cause Harley's secret meetings with the queen began 
two years before Abigail enjoyed Anne's patronage; 
moreover, in the earlier years of the reign, Anne was 
actually jealous of this woman's intimacy with the 
Duchess of Marlborough. 1 Furthermore, the friendship 
of Mrs. Morley and Mrs. Freeman had not yet been 
strained by their differences over politics and religion or 
by the latter 's frequent absences from court. 

The friendship of the queen materially strengthened 
Harley's position. Another way of testing his impor- 
tance in political affairs is to ascertain what power he 
exerted over the patronage during these years. Anne 
had scarcely ascended the throne when the Highfliers 
began to importune for office, and Godolphin complained 
to Harley of the unreasonableness of Jersey and Sir 
Christopher Musgrave. Paterson was recommended to 
the lord treasurer's consideration and at first received 
marked attention. Dr. Davenant was anxious for some 
preferment, and his case was discussed by the speaker 
and Godolphin; Harley's brother was amply rewarded 
for political services by the lucrative appointment of 
"Auditor of the imprests for life"; Penn desired a com- 
mission in the navy for a friend; Dr. Sacheverell was 
recommended by Harley's brother-in-law; Harcourt in- 
formed the speaker that his Tory friends were eager for 
office and wished to know if any sweeping alterations in 
court officials would take place before the end of the war. 
These are but few instances of Harley's activity concern- 
ing civil appointments during the early months of the 
reign. 2 Vernon, former secretary of state, wrote his 

i See the queen's letter printed in Beid, p. 348. 

zPortl. MSS., IV. 39-83, passim. See also ib., VIII. 96-119, passim. 
Davenant secured the important office of inspector-general of imports and 
exports. 



262 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

patron, Shrewsbury, asking that he use his influence with 
Harley to obtain for him some relief, as he had just been 
deprived of his office. If Vernon believed the impor- 
tance of the speaker to be as great as is indicated by his 
writing such a letter to Shrewsbury, then at Rome, and 
following it up with others, insisting upon Shrewsbury's 
intervention, the probabilities are that he was right. 
Indeed, Vernon attributed his success to Shrewsbury's 
intercession with Harley, 1 whose recommendation of a 
man soon became equivalent to an appointment, as he had 
the support of Anne and Godolphin. 2 The consent of 
both was the more easily secured because each well knew 
that Harley did not, like many of his associates, traffic 
in places for financial gain. 3 They felt that they could 
trust him to dispose of vacancies to the best political 
advantage, although the lord treasurer little realized that 
he was utilizing this opportunity to build up a personal 
following. 4 Being dependent upon Harley, it was natural 
that Godolphin should grant him an increasing amount 
of power in disposing of the crown patronage. 

The conspicuous part taken by Harley in elections pre- 
supposes a considerable power over appointments also; 

iCoxe Papers, XIII. 146-54; Marlb. MSS., p. 44; Forth MSS., VIII. 
116. 

zPortl. MSS., IV. 99. See also Bath MSS. (I. 73), for the ease of the 
two men who were seeking through the influence of Harley and Godolphin to 
be made baronets. Both succeeded. Anglice Notitia (1708), p. 669. 

s Early in the reign, Anne ordered that no place be sold. From the Cal. 
Tr. Papers (1702-1707), p. 289, we learn that Cardonel, Marlborough's sec- 
retary, asked Godolphin for permission to dispose of a "court post," which 
he had purchased. The reply is interesting: "The Lord Treasurer con- 
ceives there is intended to be pecuniary considerations for the parting with 
this place and her Majesty has made an order that no place be sold. ' ' 

* Harley made no profession of his influence, always referring requests 
to Godolphin in such a way that they could scarcely be refused. This ap- 
parent humility deceived the lord treasurer. See An Account of the Con- 
duct of Robert, Earl of Oxford. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 263 

for usually no votes were gained, and no candidates 
elected to parliament without the liberal use of money 
or patronage. Outside of western England and Wales 
his political influence was best exerted among the urban 
trading classes and this greatly weakened the Whigs. 
In other words, Harley made Godolphin 's hold upon this 
class secure, for "as the trade and money of the nation 
were chiefly in the hands of those, who espoused the cause, 
in which the ministry were then engaged, it is no wonder 
that . . . Godolphin began to pay them as much regard 
as the time and the Queen's prejudices would permit him 
to do." 1 

In ecclesiastical affairs also, Harley 's part was direct 
and important. The annoyances and intricacies of eccle- 
siastical problems were so great that Godolphin was 
usually willing to give Harley complete charge of par- 
ticularly trying cases, so that in time he apparently 
assumed the leading role in the ministry in determining 
church appointments. He successfully championed the 
claims of Trelawny, Atterbury, and Hooper for prefer- 
ments, and probably knew more about the queen's selec- 
tions for the bishoprics of Chester and Exeter than he 
chose to confess. 2 His influence in dealing with the non- 
conformists was equally noteworthy. On one occasion, 
the dissenting clergy, under the leadership of the learned 
and influential Dr. Calamy, decided to present an address 
to the queen. In debating as to who should introduce 
them, the names of Harley and Sunderland were sug- 
gested and the latter selected. Sunderland, when waited 

i Conduct, p. 145. 

2 Bath MSS., I. 173, 175. He also furthered the cause of Dr. Hooper. 
Portl. MSS., IV. 50, 63, 72. But even he, through ceaseless importuning 
when chief minister, was unable to gain so much as an Irish bishopric for 
Swift, who was so objectionable to the queen. Consult the Journal to Stella, 
passim. For additional information as to Harley 's activity in church mat- 
ters, see Portl. MSS., IV. 53-92, passim; Bath MSS., I. 52, 57. 



264 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

upon, insisted that Godolphin was the proper man for 
the task. To this the latter agreed, but it was observed 
that Harley was with Godolphin when the committee 
called, and as he passed through the group of clergymen, 
covertly conveyed the idea that he had arranged things 
for them. To his efforts, therefore, they attributed the 
fact that they received better treatment from the queen 
than ever before. A certain Cunningham later inter- 
viewed Dr. Calamy as to the best method of treating the 
dissenting leaders. Upon strict questioning, he finally 
confessed that he came at the suggestion of Godolphin 
and Harley, 1 both of whom felt that the ministry could 
retain its influence only by enlisting the intelligent sup- 
port of the Dissenters, whose financial power was rapidly 
growing. 

While gaining the secret support of the non-conform- 
ists, Harley and Godolphin could not afford to lose the 
aid of the Anglican clergy. In securing this, Harley was 
most successful. A Presbyterian himself, he favored 
toleration for the Dissenters and by his influence with 
the queen gained an ascendancy over the High Church 
Tories, who were bitterly opposed to Marlborough and 
Godolphin. Harley 's role in defeating the Occasional 
Conformity Bill seems to have been so cleverly concealed 
that the Highfliers never realized the part he played in it. 
Indeed, the mainspring of Harley 's political activity from 
first to last was secrecy. With all her spies, Lady Marl- 
borough was unable to fathom his plans, or gain any idea, 
until it was too late, of his influence with Anne and Mrs. 
Masham. His secretive tendencies were by no means as 
great as those commonly attributed to Alexander Pope, 
but they were not confined to speech. Indeed, his secre- 
tiveness is so pronounced in some of his important letters 
that even the initiated can scarcely understand their 

i Life of Calamy, II. 52, 105-7. 



FORMATION OF THE " TRIUMVIRATE" 265 

import, a characteristic greatly accentuated in his later 
years by bibulousness. His aim in speech and in writing 
was to be ambiguous, and in this he fully succeeded. 

Harley's part in diplomatic matters was thus far small 
but increasing; his financial ability was exerted only 
through the lord treasurer ; but his power in political and 
ecclesiastical affairs, especially with the queen, was 
large and constantly growing larger until in May, 1704, 
he became principal secretary of state. 

It has been customary to date the beginning of 
Harley's confidential relationship with Marlborough and 
Godolphin from this appointment, whereas in reality it 
extended back to the earlier months of the reign, 1 and no 
greater argument against the commonly accepted ideas 
of Harley's mediocrity can be urged than the unlimited 
confidence which Marlborough and Godolphin placed in 
him for more than six years. Several reasons prompted 
his appointment, among them Harley's own insistence 
that his colleagues request the queen to admit him as an 
active member of the ministry, if they desired his further 
co-operation. No doubt Anne was willing, but the duke 
and the lord treasurer were not so favorable, as they 
sorely needed him in the speaker's chair, where he could 
exert far more power than if he were merely a titular 
member of the government. It is significant that when 
his persistence was rewarded, the three men decided that 
he should for a time retain the office of speaker, although 
it was at least unusual for a cabinet minister to hold two 
such offices at once. "The great doubt has been," Vernon 

i Even Harley's biographer, with the Portland MSS. at his elbow, has 
fallen into the same error as the earlier writers, to whom they were inacces- 
sible. "Harley at once [after 1704] became the most trusted and intimate 
of his [Godolphin 's] colleagues upon whose judicious advice in regard to 
home and foreign affairs, and the many delicate personal matters, it was his 
practice constantly to rely. Godolphin 's confidence in Harley necessarily in- 
creased Marlborough's trust in him." Eoscoe, llarley, p. 39. 



266 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

wrote to Shrewsbury, ''how this is consistent with the 
speakership, but that is only determinable when the Par- 
liament meets, and it will be incongruous or otherwise, 
according to the humour they shall be in at their sitting 
down." 1 Little was said in parliament about the diffi- 
culty, and for nearly a year, Harley performed the duties 
of both offices, greatly to the relief of his political 
partners. 

Fearing that the ministers would be forced from office, 
Godolphin was seeking every possible aid from him much 
earlier than 1704. "The great clamours, which I hear 
are preparing against the management of sea-affairs, 
must needs be very disagreeable to the Queen, particu- 
larly uneasy to the Prince ; " he wrote. ' ' In short I expect 
to see the whole government go to pieces, with no friends 
to support it but some few in place, and it cannot but vex 
one to see [the ministry] lost for so trivial an occasion. ' ' 2 
The speaker was taken into the ministry to assure his 
loyal support in the lower house, particularly in promot- 
ing the union. He probably was not expected to take an 
important part in other matters, but he was soon found 
in the midst of all political affairs. In appointing him, 
Anne was able to rid herself of Nottingham, who had 
proved rebellious, if not insolent, and at the same time 
reward a valued servant, who had been of material aid 
in preparing her speeches. By virtue of his new position, 
Harley was thrown into closer relations with the queen, 
and soon stood high in her favor. 3 

i James, III. 259. Edward Harley said that Godolphin urged his brother 
to accept the seals. Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, f. 129. William 
Bromley was both speaker and chancellor of the exchequer. Shrewsbury 
held three such offices for a season in 1714. Leeky, I. 165. 

2 Tortl. MSS., IV. 74. 

3 Chamberlen, p. 280. See also p. 153. Wyon (I. 239) assumes that it was 
Harley 's wisdom and sincerity that gained Marlborough's support. Cf. 
E. Edwards, Founders of the British Museum, p. 209. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 267 

Another pressing reason for Harley's promotion lay 
in the decided unpopularity of Marlborough and Godol- 
phin. The feeling against the duke, even in the hour of 
victory, is almost unaccountable; but in the spring of 
1704, he was far from victorious, and the complaints 
against the burdens of taxation became threatening. 
Indeed, his unpopularity then reached its height for the 
first half of the reign; the Highfliers were deeply in- 
censed by his willingness to dispense with their services 
and turn to the Whigs; the English masses had never 
liked him, and in 1702, had made more of Rooke's slight 
successes around Vigo than they did of his splendid 
achievements in Flanders; pamphleteers and journalists 
with pens dipped in bile, found his avarice and his wife 's 
arrogance excellent marks at which to aim. 1 Few histo- 
rians have realized how near to ruin the ministry was 
just before the battle of Blenheim. Rowland Gwynne 
explained the situation as follows: "No king could wish 
for a more noble opportunity to relieve, not only Ger- 
many, but Europe [than Marlborough] is employed 
upon, or that could be more gloomy for [him] self. If the 
Elector of Bavaria is reduced, it will stop the mouths of 
his enemies, and they will not be able to hurt him in 
England." A week later he added significantly: "The 
success of the affair [Blenheim] will either gain him a 
great reputation, and very much shelter him from his 
enemies (which are not few) or be his ruin." 2 The 
duchess was clearly uneasy when she learned that Sir 
Edward Seymour had threatened that the Tory zealots 

i C. J., XV. 70. The contemporary literature showing the popular dis- 
like of the Marlboroughs is extensive. The Memorial of the Church of Eng- 
land is a good example of such tracts. See also Clarke and Foxcraft, Burnet, 
p. 409; W. Carstares, State Papers, p. 730; Portl. MSS., IV. 137; Coxe, II. 
277; Hearne, I. 138, 158, 316. 

2 Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, ff. 242, 246. See also Mac- 
pherson, I. 692; Macaulay, Essay on Addison. 



268 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

"would run him [the duke] down as a pack of hounds 
do a hare," 1 for she probably feared the Highfliers would 
attempt to impeach Marlborough, although nothing was 
said about the means they intended to employ. 

Godolphin was only slightly less unpopular than Marl- 
borough. Anonymous writers sought constantly to 
annoy him by making covert threats against him and the 
duke. 2 In July, Gwynne again spoke of the weakness of 
these two ministers, because they had refused to take a 
decided stand either for or against the Protestant suc- 
cession. 3 

Unquestionably, then, Harley 's addition to the minis- 
try was timely and strengthened its power. Both his 
associates were in disfavor, while he was favorably re- 
ceived by people and politicians alike. To the Whigs he 
appeared as a politician whose liberal principles led him 
to support the privileges of parliament; to the Tories he 
seemed the champion of the prerogative. So it was a 
wise move on the part of the queen to delude the Tories 
by elevating Harley, one of their number, to a ministerial 
position, and to moderate the demands of the impudent 
and presumptuous Whigs by promoting a moderate Tory 
whom they considered almost a Whig. Godolphin, more- 
over, seemed unequal to the task of controlling the junto 
any longer, as he feared both the Whigs and Tories. He 
even began to despair of retaining the support of such 
moderate Tories as Harcourt, and leaned more and more 
upon the obedient secretary, whose letters about impor- 
tant state affairs were now frequently read to Anne. 4 
Even Lord Dartmouth bears witness that Godolphin was 
tottering to his fall before Harley 's appointment, and his 

i Burnet, V. 147-50. 

2 Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, f . 86. 

3 Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS., 222, ff. 250-2. 
* Bath MSS., I. 57-8. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 269 

evidence is borne out in part by Dr. James Drake, who 
asserted that the lord treasurer had become the queen's 
tool in advancing Whigs to high places. 1 

Some weeks before Harley became secretary, he was 
sworn of the Privy Council, of which he remained a 
faithful member for nearly four years. 2 In accepting 
office, he insisted that his close friends, St. John and 
Mansell, should enter the ministry with him, thus assur- 
ing the weight of his own influence in the cabinet. It 
was well that he did so, since he was planning to take a 
positive position. Though at the outset he "was equally 
trusted by churchmen and dissenters, by "Whigs and 
Tories," that feeling soon wore off and the Tories, in 
particular, looking upon him as a renegade, sought to 
drive him from the ministry. 3 Indeed, the year 1704 had 
not ended before boasts were openly made that Harley 
would soon be thrown out of office. Defoe had frequently 
heard such reports in traveling through England and 
Scotland, but the available evidence does not disclose any 
great danger of his overthrow, while on the other hand, 
some things indicate that his power mounted steadily 
throughout the year. 

As early as March, Vernon believed that Harley 's im- 
portance in the government was as great as Godolphin 's. 4 
A stanch friend, Stanley West, informed Harley the fol- 
lowing August that among the masses of the people, the 

i Memorial of the Church of England. Drake insisted that both Marl- 
borough and Godolphin voted the queen 's sentiments rather than their own 
on the Occasional Conformity Bill. Cf. Life of Calamy, II. 35. 

2 P. C. Keg., LXXX. 114; Portl. MSB., IV. 82-4; Luttrell, V. 418. In 
the first five months after he was sworn, Harley attended every one of the 
fourteen meetings, and is enrolled as ' ' speaker ' ' thirteen times and once 
as "secretary." P. C. Peg., LXXX. passim. 

3 Vernon insisted that ' ' the Tories lay the late changes to his door, and 
the Whigs hold themselves in suspense not seeing any advance made toward 
them. ' ' See also Wyon, I. 239 ; Leadam, p. 46. 

* James, III. 254, 257. See also Portl. MSS., IV. 146-7. 



270 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

three leading ministers "are called the 'triumvirate.' ,n 
The agreement of these two observers is significant and 
the accuracy of their statements is attested by Defoe, 
who wrote to Harley: "They call the Duke of Marl- 
borough, the Lord Treasurer, and yourself the trium- 
virate who manage the state, and that if this knot [the 
Occasional Conformity Bill] be broken in the House, they 
will prevail with the Queen to continue the Duke . . . 
abroad all winter . . . and so they will easily put by all 
the scheme of management. ' ' 2 

The testimony of these men and the letters of Godol- 
phin and Marlborough already cited indicate clearly the 
importance of Harley in the councils of the ministry. 
Moreover they shed some light upon the origins of the 
cabinet. From a constitutional point of view the evolu- 
tion of the cabinet is the most important aspect of Anne's 
reign. Inasmuch as Harley was closely connected with 
the growth of this feature of parliamentary government, 
it is necessary here to examine the state of the cabinet, 
which was slowly taking shape in the early years of the 
eighteenth century, although at no time attaining the 
unity and solidarity which we associate with the cabinets 
of modern times. Under William III, the ministers were 
advisers to the sovereign and little more. There was no 
requirement that they even be in substantial agreement 
upon the most important questions; in fact, the Tolera- 
tion Act was the only law of consequence upon which the 

i Portl. MSS., IV. 118-9. West added: "You are entirely master of two 
opposite parties, both think you to be theirs and confide in you as such, to 
promote their several different interests: whatever distinguishing favour 
you show to either side, does not lessen your esteem in the other party, 'tis 
all ascribed to a depth they cannot comprehend, and which they say is 
peculiar to yourself." 

2 lb., 147. Harley and Godolphin had some difficulty over the length of 
the adjournment, but the former had his way, which was the only measure 
"that has been carried against the Court this session." Add. MSS., 4743, 
f. 18. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 271 

members of his ministry were in complete accord. 1 In 
the same reign, when Nottingham introduced the Com- 
prehension Bill into the Lords, Shrewsbury and Car- 
marthen not only refused their support, but indignantly 
walked out during the first division. The factional oppo- 
sition of the ministry during the crisis in the criminal 
prosecutions of 1697 reveals clearly the inchoate state 
of party organization and indicates that party govern- 
ment as such had not been accepted even by the political 
leaders. Yet there was in both parties a gradual develop- 
ment of party chiefs who were soon to unite their forces 
into real parliamentary and political parties. In 1701, 
however, the doctrine of ministerial responsibility was 
accepted by neither king nor parliament, as ministers 
held their offices without regard to adverse majorities in 
the Commons. 2 

The meetings of the cabinet council were not held 
under the bond of secrecy, as later; no record of attend- 
ance was kept and no member felt any obligation to dis- 
cuss the policies of his particular department with the 
others. Somers was the only English minister who was 
informed of the negotiation and conclusion of the Parti- 
tion Treaty in 1700. 3 Not even a majority of the ministry 
knew anything about it, and at the occasional meetings 
of the members few were aware exactly what topics were 
to be discussed. The responsibility of the ministers was 
individual and personal, and rested with the king, al- 
though the dismissal of Somers was a sign of change. 4 
At least as early as the Restoration, executive and admin- 

i W. M. Torrens, Hist, of the Cabinets, pp. 4-7. 

2 A contemporary account of the quarrel of the Lords and Commons over 
their relation to the ministry is given in Swift's Dissensions in Athens and 
Borne. 

3Mahon, I. 12. 

4 Turberville, The House of Lords in the Reign of William III, p. 244 ; 
Torrens, op. cit., I. 19-21. Cf. Blauvelt, Development of Cabinet Govern- 



272 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

istrative functions in England had been exercised under 
the king, by a small number of the abler and more trusted 
councillors. This select group is spoken of under various 
names, such as cabal, cabinet, and committee, and is well 
recognized in the reign of Charles II, and firmly estab- 
lished by the time of William III. In Anne's reign the 
name ' ' cabinet council ' ' is used again and again, 1 and the 
membership in that body must have been well estab- 
lished and extremely important or the junto would not 
have toiled for months to persuade the queen to admit one 
of their number to it without any place in the ministry. 2 
No official minutes were kept of these meetings, which 
were considered of so great importance by the public men 
of the time. 

These more or less regular sessions of the cabinet 
council must not be confused with the secret meetings of 
the " lords of the committee" or " committee of the 
council." This last group was made up of the more 
important members of the cabinet council, although 
other persons in the government were often called in con- 
sultation. In general it was a more select group than the 
cabinet council and held its meetings usually just before 
the more formal sessions of the larger body. These 
"lords of the committee" deliberated without the queen, 
who nearly always attended the cabinet council during 
the first eight years of the reign. Their purpose was to 

ment, pp. 89, sq. Leslie Stephen says that "It had not yet come to be 
understood that the cabinet was to be a mere committee of the House of 
Commons, the personal wishes of the sovereign, and the alliances and 
jealousies of the great courtiers, were still highly important factors in the 
political situation; as indeed, both the composition and subsequent be- 
haviour of the Commons, could be controlled to a considerable extent by 
legitimate and other influences of the Crown." Life of Sivift, p. 65. 

i Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, ff. 402, 628, and passim. Cal. 
S. P. Bom. (1702-3), pp. 51, 103, 185, 239, and passim; [Defoe], An Ac- 
count of the Conduct of Bobert, Earl of Oxford. 

2 Coxe, II. 219; Add. MSS., 4743, f. 17; Lecky, II. 137. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 273 

prepare their plans for the meeting of the cabinet coun- 
cil, and it is to this group that the term "cabinet" has 
been applied. The "lords of the committee" were, 
perhaps, a committee of the Privy Council, and it was 
probably this body which, under the name of Lords Jus- 
tices, governed the realm during the absences of the king. 
The modern cabinet seems, therefore, to have a triple 
origin: as, cabinet council, "lords of the committee," 
and lords justices, all of them made up of a limited 
number of prominent officials. Although the most in- 
fluential men in the government were members of the 
Privy Council, the cabinet council, and the "cabinet," 
a select few gradually tended to monopolize adminstra- 
tion as "lords of the committee." This clique rarely 
consisted of more than a half dozen or so, but, acting as 
a sort of "inner cabinet," they outlined their policies for 
presentation to the regular meetings of the cabinet 
council, which in turn generally referred important 
measures decided upon to the Privy Council for formal 
ratification. At that time there was no clear line of 
demarkation between an inner cabinet as represented by 
the "lords of the committee" and an outer cabinet as 
indicated by the cabinet council. Contemporaries prob- 
ably thought of them not as two distinct bodies, but more 
or less as informal and formal meetings of the same 
group, since they had so many members in common. 1 

i The entire subject is very complex, but many of the difficulties are 
explained by Professor E. R. Turner in the following articles: "The Devel- 
opment of the Cabinet, 1688-1760," A. E. E., XVII. 751-68, XIX. 27-43; 
"Committees of Council and Cabinet, 1660-1688," ib., XIX. 772-93; "The 
Lords Justices of England, 1695-1755," E. H. B., XXIX. 453-76; "The 
Privy Council of 1679," ib., XXX. 251-70; "Committees of the Privy 
Council, 1688-1760," ib., XXXI. 545-72; "The Cabinet in the Eighteenth 
Century," ib., XXXII. 192-203. See also W. E. Anson, "The Cabinet in 
the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," ib., XXIX. 56-78, and "The 
Development of the Cabinet, 16S8-1760," ib., 325-7; Temperley, "Queen ana 
Outer Cabinet and Privy Council, 1679-1783," ib., XXVI. 682; "A Note on 



274 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Thus, in a constitutional sense, Queen Anne governed 
with the aid of her ministers taken individually, with her 
cabinet council, generally made up of the same ministers 
acting collectively, or through the " lords of the com- 
mittee," which sometimes sat without her, a body tech- 
nically distinct from the cabinet council, but composed 
of many of the same men acting as privy councillors in 
committee, which prepared business for consideration in 
the cabinet council. These leading officials of the gov- 
ernment, not constituting at this time a fixed body or in 
their triple capacity always composed of the same min- 
isters, gradually became the controlling executive and 
administrative force in the kingdom, destined eventually 
to supersede the king himself in the management of 
affairs. 

In 1704, Anne was aided by a select group, the "trium- 
virate," composed of Marlborough, Godolphin, and 
Harley, which, constituting only a part of the cabinet, 
met frequently and informally, often twice a week and 
at times in the presence of the queen, and planned im- 
portant ministerial measures, which were probably given 
more definite form in the sessions preliminary to the 
regular meetings of the cabinet council. 1 

In concluding this study of Harley 's speakership, it is 
highly desirable to gain a more comprehensive idea of 

Inner and Outer Cabinets: their Development and Eelations in the Eight- 
eenth Century," ib., XXXI. 291-6; and Michael, "Die Entstehung der 
Kabinettsregierung, ' ' Zeits. fiLr Politik, VI. 549. The accounts of the 
origin of the cabinet by the older writers, Torrens, Blauvelt, and Salomon, 
have, in general, been superseded for the period of Anne's reign. 

i Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, ff. 44, 208, 398-402; Cal. S. P. 
Bom. (1702-3), pp. 19, 21, 25; Portl. MSS., IV. 49; E. H. R., VIII. 740. 
This small group, the "triumvirate," cannot be called a " conciliabulum, " 
as the name does not appear until 1757. It is possible that it constituted 
the ' ' Defense Committee ' ' discussed by J. S. Corbett, ' ' Queen Anne 's 
Defense Committee," Monthly Review, May, 1904, but such identification 
is largely conjectural. 



FORMATION OF THE " TRIUMVIRATE" 275 

his character and ability than could be gleaned from a 
study of a few of his political activities. This man, who 
stood for so long in such confidential relations with the 
queen, was of varied attainments. Many of his charac- 
teristics seem absolutely contradictory. Born in non- 
conformity he became a steady supporter of the Estab- 
lished Church, and as chief minister, permitted the High- 
fliers to pass such measures of persecution as the Occa- 
sional Conformity Bill and the Schism Act. A country 
gentleman by birth, he married into the trading class and 
acted in conjunction with the monied interests for a large 
part of his administration as first minister. He dis- 
played considerable ability as a financier, and helped to 
provide for the enormous debt occasioned by the war, in 
which Great Britain acted as the paymaster of the allies, 
a part she has been destined to play from that day to this. 

Harley was far more than a financier ; he ranks as one 
of the shrewdest statesmen and political managers of a 
century which boasted Walpole, Newcastle, and last, but 
not least, George III. He was shrewd enough to outwit 
such wily politicians as Swift, Marlborough, Boling- 
broke, and even the Duchess of Marlborough. Further- 
more, he completely overwhelmed that group of Whigs 
known to history as the junto, and drove them from 
power. For over four years he deluded the Jacobites 
into believing that he would bring the Pretender to Eng- 
land and place him upon the throne of his father, 
when in reality, he never took any active steps in that 
direction. 1 

He was both a financier and politician, but he was also 
a connoisseur and patron of art, and few Englishmen 
have done so much for the furtherance of literature. He 

i Birch MSS., Add. MSS., 4223, f. 114; Defoe, Secret History of the 
White Staff, Pt. ii., pp. 10-24; Torcy, Memoirs, passim; Ranke, Eng. Hist., 
V. 347; Leadam, p. 44; O. Goldsmith, Hist, of Eng., IV. 136. 



276 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

was the first to discern the true value and importance of 
pamphleteering in politics ; in a sense, he both discovered 
and developed such writers as Arbuthnot, Swift, and 
Defoe. 1 Fortunately for posterity, his interest in litera- 
ture was not confined to the ephemeral type; he was a 
"collector" of consequence, as the Harleian Manuscripts 
and the Harleian Miscellany well testify. He stands as 
one of the leading founders of the British Museum, where 
his valuable collections find a home. 

Despite such evidences of his ability and versatility, 
Harley was not looked upon by his contemporaries as an 
individual of power. In a period when no man might be 
trusted with a secret unless he was vitally concerned in 
it himself, Harley was accused of being too secretive. 2 
Surrounded by enemies in both the Whig and Tory 
parties, he was vilified for being slow and cautious, and 
his policy of opportunism gradually added to his un- 
popularity. Nevertheless, on one occasion, apparently 
overwhelmed by the united forces of Whigs and Tories, 
who sought his ruin, he rallied his followers quickly, and 
with Anne's help, destroyed the power of this coalition 
by creating a dozen peers in a group. The criticism of 
dilatoriness disappeared as if by magic. 3 Surrounded 
by men of the most venal type, he was never even accused 
of corruption, despite the unparalleled opportunities 
afforded him through the rising expenditures due to 
the war. 

Harley 's talents were most necessary to supplement 
those of his two colleagues. Godolphin was an able 

i John Forster, Defoe, p. 58 ; John Tutchin was another of Harley 's 
proteges. Dayrolles Papers, Add. MSS., 15866, f. 58. 

2 See Bolingbroke, State of Parties; Private Diary of William, Lord 
Cowper; Swift, Free Thoughts upon the Present State of Affairs; Salomon, 
p. 6. 

3 In Carte's Memoranda, Harley is referred to as the "most intrepid 
man in the nation." Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CCXI. 38. 



FORMATION OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 277 

administrator and financier, but was totally devoid of a 
political sense to understand or appreciate public senti- 
ment, and thought far more of winning a cock-fight or 
a horse-race than an election; whereas Harley possessed 
true political sagacity. 1 To a greater extent than any of 
his colleagues, he seems to have appreciated the growing 
importance of the aggressive commercial classes in 
politics. The lord treasurer, moreover, was kept so busy 
as first minister that he had little time for purely politi- 
cal affairs. Marlborough had political insight, but he 
cared nothing for the game itself, and the increasing 
strain of military and diplomatic undertakings forced 
him to depend increasingly upon others to rule parlia- 
ment. He was unable to trust to his wife's political 
wisdom, because her inclinations ran too strongly in 
favor of the Whigs, whom Anne detested, so Marl- 
borough decided early in the reign that he needed Har- 
ley 's support and the latter was taken in as a kind of 
junior partner, because the ministry needed an indus- 
trious, moderate Tory to keep the junto from forcing the 
hand of sovereign and ministers alike. Although con- 
sidered a Tory, Harley favored the legislative supremacy 
of parliament; professing the highest regard for the 
Anglican Establishment, he remained at heart a Dis- 
senter; moreover, he possessed two important attributes 
not usually found together in the days of the Stuarts — 
political wisdom and sincerity — while the political infor- 
mation which he furnished made him invaluable as an 
ally. His chief claim, then, to membership in the ' ' trium- 
virate" lay in his political astuteness, as few understood 
so well the rules and procedure of the House of Commons, 
and probably no man in England was more familiar with 
the general current of public feeling. As speaker during 

i Birch MSS., 4223, f. 114; Defoe, Secret History of the White Staff, 
Pt. ii., 10-24; Lord, p. 80. 



278 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

three parliaments, he had learned the game of politics 
as it was played in the early eighteenth century, and was 
even able when the time came to interpolate some new 
rules of his own. From the beginning of the reign he 
was useful to Godolphin in arranging ministerial policies, 
and indispensable in turning them into laws. As secre- 
tary of state he was destined to prove of still further 
service to his fellow "triumvirs." 



CHAPTER VII 

THE BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 

(1704-1708) 

Robert Harley was principal secretary of state in the 
Godolphin ministry for nearly four years, during which 
time England passed through the crisis of the greatest 
war Europe had thus far seen. With the general who 
won the victories and the parliament which supplied the 
sinews of war, Harley was equally familiar, and to each 
equally invaluable. For almost a year, he filled the posts 
of secretary and speaker together, and in such way as to 
win the admiration of friend and foe alike. As speaker 
he played an important and indispensable role in legisla- 
tion and politics, and as cabinet minister he became even 
more valuable, although his portfolio lay in the field in 
which he had the least influence. He secured this position 
of prominence partly as the result of his own achieve- 
ments, and partly because of the unpopularity of his 
fellow "triumvirs." As secretary he was concerned with 
affairs that were chiefly political and military, and in 
this capacity was compelled to keep in touch with do- 
mestic affairs, and to possess an accurate and extensive 
knowledge of war and diplomacy. His relations with 
Godolphin and Marlborough necessarily had to be even 
more intimate than before, if he were to do efficient work 
as a diplomat. 1 

i Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, ff. 2-4; Coxe Papers, XVII. 185, 
XX. 35. In the last reference, Harley, acknowledging the receipt of several 
letters, says : ' ' I read them all to her Majesty, and we have all reason most 



280 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Although Harley preferred to devote the lion's share 
of his time to manipulating domestic politics, he was not 
inattentive to the leading foreign events, and under his 
administration of foreign affairs, the most decisive 
battles of the war were fought and won by his colleague. 
These victories brought the French monarch face to face 
with ruin and forced him to seek peace. It is pleasant 
to speculate whether the peace terms of the allies, nego- 
tiated after Harley had left office, would have been so 
exorbitant as to drive the French once more into war, 
if he had still been secretary, especially in view of his 
later activity in negotiating the much-criticized treaty 
of Utrecht. 

Harley could not be idle at this time, as three difficult 
questions were always before him, clamoring for solu- 
tion. Probably the most important was that of keeping 
the allies in line, particularly the Dutch, who displayed 
a chronic and increasing tendency to let the English do 
most of the fighting, while at the same time, paradoxi- 
cally enough, they showed an almost insane fear lest Eng- 
land should make peace without their consent. 1 The 
alarm of the Dutch arose partly as a result of Louis 
XIV 's intrigues with Marlborough, and partly on ac- 
count of their distrust of the duke's motives, which was 
beginning to prevail in the Low Countries as well as in 

highly to applaud your Grace 's conduct in taking [towns] as well as winning 
battles. ' ' Harley 's secret service work excited even Marlborough 's admira- 
tion. "Am very much surprised," he wrote, "at what you tell me of my 
journey for nobody knows of it from me but the Pensioner. ' ' Bath MSS., 
I. 167. See also pp. 157, 168. 

i This seems groundless from Anne's letter to Marlborough relative to 
the Elector of Bavaria. Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34513, f. 163. 
Yet a month earlier, Anne informed the duke he might break away from 
the Dutch. Coxe, ch. 51 ; Add. MSS., 9025, ff. 71-2. Indeed, Marlborough 
feared that Holland might make peace on account of English party dis- 
sensions. The commercial jealousy between England and Holland was very 
marked. Thomas, p. 247. See also Bath MSS., I. 98, 157. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 281 

England. 1 All the tact of Marlborough and Harley was 
needed to keep the Dutch contented, but they succeeded 
by strenuous efforts in holding them firmly in line. 

Of the other allies, the Empire was most important, 
and it, too, gave the "triumvirate" much to do. Though 
fully as delinquent as the States-General in keeping her 
promises, Austria's cry for subsidies was incessant, and 
Harley was given the task of negotiating a loan from the 
wealthy London merchants for Prince Eugene's army. 2 
Indeed, the influence and ability of this commander, 
coupled with Harley 's tact, was all that prevented a 
diplomatic rupture with the Empire. The emperor had 
earlier refused to salute Anne as "her Majesty" and she 
refused to receive communications addressed in any other 
way. Harley made it a special duty to write the imperial 
envoy about it, with the result that all official friction 
disappeared, although the perplexing problems as to 
troops and subsidies still remained to be solved. 3 

Spanish affairs were also irritating, in some measure 
because they were closely connected with the Austrian 
difficulties, since an Austrian archduke was a candidate 
for the Spanish throne. Military matters had never pro- 
gressed favorably for the allies in the peninsula. In 
1706, the rivalry for the position of commander in chief 
between General Earl Rivers and the Earl of Galway 
broke out, and the following year the defeat of Galway 
at Almanza gave Rochester an excuse for moving that 
20,000 English troops should be transferred from Flan- 
ders to Spain. His real purpose was to embarrass 
Marlborough, whose speech in the Lords convinced the 

i Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CCX. ff. 12-3, 19; Burnet, V. 386; Egerton MSS. 
(B. M.), 929, f. 6. 

2S. Stebbing, Genealog. Hist., p. 833; Portl. MSS., IV. 389. 

3Coxe Papers, XVII. 185; Stepney Papers, Add. MSS., 7059, July 3, 
1705. Miss Strickland says Anne brought this on herself by receiving in 
her ignorance a Latin letter without the proper salutation. 



282 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Highfliers that it would be suicidal to do this in the face 
of the French forces. The whole matter was brought to 
a climax by Somers, the most conservative member of 
the junto, who moved that "no peace could be safe or 
honourable, till Spain and the West Indies are recovered 
from the House of Bourbon." Still the difficulty was not 
settled, and three days later, Harley, at Anne's command, 
laid before the Commons information about military 
matters in Spain. 1 In all these troubles Harley 's func- 
tion was to act as peacemaker and aid men who were 
desirous of entering the consular and diplomatic service. 2 
In executing such duties, his talents showed to advan- 
tage, a fact that both Godolphin and Marlborough fully 
appreciated, 3 although they did not dream how great his 
influence was with the queen. 

More difficult, if not more important, diplomatic mat- 
ters were found near home, as the Hanoverian succession 
had both foreign and domestic angles. It was a dan- 
gerous question on account of Anne's uncompromising 
attitude toward the heir apparent. The Jacobites were 
rather numerous in England; in Scotland their number 
was still larger, and this fact had complicated the diffi- 
cult negotiations for the union. Besides, many ardent 
High Churchmen frowned upon the electress and her 
descendants on account of their Low Church inclinations. 
The Whigs, having aided the ministry in defeating the 
Tory motion to invite over Electress Sophia, now de- 
manded their price. With the failure of the "tack" and 

iC. J., XV. 476; James, III. 300-3; Timberland, II. 182. Indeed, 
Somers 's resolution found its way into the queen 's address. Coke, III. 323. 

2S. P. Dom., Anne, VII. 77; Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28070, f. 6; 
Dayrolles Papers, Add. MSS., 15866, f. 56; Coxe Papers, XIII. 213; S. P. 
Dom., Entry Book, CV. 309. 

s Godolphin wrote Harley: "So many disagreeable things as one meets 
every day makes me quite weary of my life; I have often envied your 
happier temper in these matters." Portl. MSS., IV. 155. 



r 

BKEAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 283 

the "invitation" the troubles of the hard-working lord 
treasurer had seemed at an end when they had only 
begun. Almost at once, the junto besought Godolphin to 
fulfil the promises he had given in the queen's name. 
When the ministry lost its zealous High Tories and 
gained moderate Whigs, both Godolphin and Marl- 
borough thought they had a ministry by means of which 
Anne might stand aloof from political factions. Such a 
position had its advantages, although it placed the min- 
istry where it would be attacked by both parties and 
defended by neither. As a result, Godolphin was impor- 
tuned by the junto to put one of their number in the cabi- 
net ; while the Tories threatened a renewal of the ' ' invi- 
tation, ' ' if the Whigs were given too much power. In his 
distress, the first minister leaned upon Harley, who had 
supported the ministry so successfully when the "tack" 
was before parliament. 1 

Anne was uneasy over the Hanoverians, as, some 
months after the passage of the Regency Bill, she called 
Archbishop Sharp into consultation and told him, as 
Godolphin "had done before, that she had apprehensions 
of the motion's being renewed ... of inviting over the 
Princess Sophia. . . . And therefore she pressed me 
earnestly, that I would endeavour, in all my conversation, 
to discourage the matter." 2 She had her way, and her 
spiritual father promised his aid. Marlborough and 
Godolphin were also anxious about the succession, which 
was destined to disturb political life for the remainder 
of the reign. 

The "invitation" had clearly separated political fac- 

i "I hope everybody will do you the justice to attribute the greatest 
share of it[s defeat] to your prudent management and zeal for the 
public. ' ' Marlborough to Harley, Coxe, I. 249. See also Bath MSS., I. 65. 

2 Sharp, I. 310. Late in 1708, Anne begged Sharp to support her in all 
matters relating to the prerogative, and not to follow Nottingham and the 
Highfliers. lb., 300. It is at least possible that she refused to grant the 



284 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

tions and aroused the queen's animosity against the 
Tories. Its defeat made the English Jacobites discon- 
solate and caused the Pretender's supporters in France 
to doubt the sincerity of such ministerial leaders as 
Godolphin and Marlborough. Furthermore, this discus- 
sion aroused at the Hanoverian court suspicions of the 
Whigs, which no explanations could quite dispel. In that 
strenuous controversy, Anne had taken a stand which she 
steadfastly maintained, and in such a decided fashion as 
to destroy the force of the usual assertion that she had 
no power in political affairs. Harley, as usual, had kept 
in the background in this dispute, but he had not been 
idle. When it was all over, and the Whigs demanded 
their pay, no one could be more necessary to Anne's peace 
of mind than this dextrous politician. 

Even more fatiguing than the problems of the suc- 
cession were the prolonged negotiations conducted by 
Godolphin over the union. He was an old man, and the 
interminable wrangling over the articles wore him out. 
Indeed, it is probable that the negotiations might have 
broken down, had it not been for the superior secret ser- 
vice of Harley 's agents in Scotland, in supplying the 
ministry with information. 1 

Although military affairs were urgent, and the ques- 
tions of Scotland and Hanover important, the secretary 
had other duties to perform. By the close of 1704, he had 
become thoroughly immersed in his work, which proved 
to be most arduous. Frequent and important letters 
passed between him and Marlborough about military and 
diplomatic affairs, while his correspondence with Godol- 

Whigs any places until she was assured they would prevent any such 
motion being carried. Marlborough's military successes probably forced 
her hand. 

i See particularly Bath MSS., I. 124, 158. A year earlier (1705) Godol- 
phin relied upon Harley to secure the passage of the Scottish bill to pave the 
way for the final Articles of Union. lb., 80. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 285 

phin grew in volume and value. 1 Such confidential rela- 
tions continued, for it was not long before Marlborough's 
secretary informed him: "My Lord Duke desires you 
will mention the enclosed papers to him at the Cabinet 
Council in order to receive the Queen's directions." 2 
Gradually he became increasingly important in foreign 
matters. Sir Rowland Gwynne recognized this when he 
besought Harley in vain to use his influence to get him 
the appointment to Hanover. 3 In dealing with com- 
mercial matters, Harley was for a time given a free hand, 
as Godolphin was too busy to look after such affairs 
while the union was under discussion. 4 

In carrying on the routine duties of his office, Harley 
hit upon an expedient to curry favor with the queen and 
at the same time carry out his ideas of government. This 
was to read important papers and dispatches to Anne 
and then ask her decision. 5 It pleased the queen's 
vanity and assisted materially in promoting Harley 's 
cause at a time when Godolphin and the duchess were 
trying to ride roughshod over her. 

However valuable Harley 's services may have been in 
smoothing out diplomatic difficulties, in bringing about 
an understanding at Hanover, or in promoting the union, 
his main genius was for domestic politics. From long 
experience he had learned the rules of the political game 
and from the reasons assigned for his appointment, it 
may be concluded that his task in the ' ' triumvirate ' ' was 
not foreign affairs, although that department was turned 
over to him, but the home affairs of England itself. For 
the present, however, his feet stood in slippery places. 
The defection of the Highfliers had thrown Godolphin 

i Bath MSS., I. 83, 95, 98. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 157. These papers related to war and diplomacy. 

3 /&., IV. 181. 

* Bath MSS., I. 77. 

b Coxe Papers, XX. 35; Bath MSS., I. 157. Cf. Portl. MSS., IV. 150, sq. 



286 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

into an alliance with the junto. For months prior to 
Harley's appointment, the duchess had been importuning 
her husband and Anne to ally themselves with the Whigs. 
Sunderland had made overtures to Godolphin, hoping to 
gain a portfolio, and it is possible that Marlborough, 
fearing the young earl's rashness, favored Harley, partly 
to exclude his own son-in-law from the cabinet. At any 
rate, Harley's selection defeated whatever immediate 
hopes the junto had of a closer alliance with the ministry, 
and it was only natural if they resented the intrusion 
of a moderate Tory into a place which they thought be- 
longed to them. The conflict between Harley and the 
members of the junto was inevitable, for they could not 
hope to work together with any comfort. Because this 
conflict went on quietly, it has been assumed that there 
was no particular struggle between them. The presump- 
tion is decidedly against such a state of affairs, because 
the junto was taken into partnership by Godolphin soon 
after Harley was driven from the ministry. 

As part and parcel of this difficulty, the speaker found 
Godolphin a timorous opportunist, who at times seemed 
willing to throw himself entirely into the hands of the 
Whigs. Occasionally, indeed, it required the combined 
influence of Anne and Harley to restrain him from taking 
the step. Just before Blenheim, Godolphin seemed to 
have entirely lost his grip on political affairs, and entered 
into some species of agreement with the junto. 1 So it 
remained for Harley and the queen to take such precau- 
tionary measures as would prevent the government's 
falling completely under Whig control, a move mani- 
festly impossible had Anne been completely under the 
control of her favorite. 

This task became even more arduous when Marl- 
borough's victories gave added weight to the demands 

i Burnet, V. 179, 182, note by Dartmouth. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 287 

of the duchess, and had it not been for the duke's own 
views, the junto might have had its way, on account of 
the lord treasurer's fears. With Marlborough's predi- 
lections in his favor, with the aid of St. John, Mansell, 
and two other able lieutenants, Harley was able to keep 
the junto out of power nearly four years, although they 
had gained a foothold over a year earlier. 

In this struggle with the Whigs, St. John was a power- 
ful ally. His ability as a debater was second to none in 
parliament, and when Harley withdrew from the Com- 
mons, he did much to overcome the loss of the latter as 
speaker. In addition, he worked with Mansell in keeping 
a close guard over the appointments and patronage. St. 
John's other qualifications were many and varied. Few 
men in English public life have been so versatile. As a 
writer and pamphleteer he had few equals, at a time when 
Defoe, Swift, and Addison flourished. As a man of the 
world, he was popular with everyone save the queen. 
No group was complete socially unless St. John favored 
it with his wit and pleasantry. As a roue, he left little 
to be desired, manifesting equal pride in his reputation 
as a politician, libertine, and atheist. Such was the 
mettle of the man who was to assist the "triumvirate" 
as secretary at war. 1 Outside of his great talent, his 
chief strength lay in his confidential relations with 
Marlborough, whose correspondence with him was not, 
as might have been expected, concerned for the most part 
with military affairs, for a large proportion of his letters 
were personal in their nature. In truth, his main func- 
tion seems to have been to act as an intermediary between 
Marlborough and Harley, 2 rather than to assist the duke 
in administering military affairs. 

i Coke MSS., III. 32, 49, 61. Anne's objections to him arose from his 
notorious licentiousness. See also Kemusat, I. 145. 

2Coxe Papers, XXXI. 177, XXII. 162, XXIII. 193, XVII. passim; Von 



288 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

The communications between St. John and Harley in- 
creased in number and importance as time went on ; Man- 
sell was also much in evidence; and a new and most 
valuable assistant came upon the scene. This was 
Erasmus Lewis, whom Harley called from his tasks as 
a Welsh schoolmaster to be under-secretary of state. 
Like his superior, Lewis was by no means mainly con- 
cerned with foreign affairs. He was Harley 's political 
secretary, whose business it was to correlate the work of 
such men as Greg, Defoe, Paterson, and Ogilvie. 1 He 
was most efficient, and the story of his life, when written, 
will shed a flood of light upon the political methods of the 
early eighteenth century, since he was apparently one 
of the shrewdest political "managers" of his day. "With- 
out him, Harley might have traveled far in politics ; but 
with his aid, the ambitious secretary was not to rest 
content until the highest political office was his. Of the 
exact details of Lewis's work, all too little is known, as 
his correspondence at this time, even with Harley, is 
limited. 

On the other hand, Defoe was the most prolific pam- 
phleteer and letter writer of his time. He was already 
in Harley 's employ, when the latter became secretary, 
and his communications became more frequent and val- 
uable. In the summer of 1704, after receiving Anne's 
pardon, Defoe was formally taken into her service. She 
"approves entirely of what you have promised him," 
wrote Godolphin to Harley, "and will make it good." 2 
Both Defoe and the secretary fully realized the value of 
their close co-operation in Scotland and in the election 
of 1705. Before starting on his trip through England, 

Noorden, BolinghroTce, p. 104. He thus increased the influence of Harley. 
Bath MSS., I. 157. 

i D. N. B., article on "Lewis"; Eoscoe, Barley, p. 108. 

2 Bath MSS., I. 61 ; Portl. MSS., IV. 88. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 289 

Defoe wrote, "I firmly believe the journey may be the 
foundation of such an intelligence as never was in Eng- 
land." 1 His worth as a journalist was probably even 
greater. After being released from Newgate, he ex- 
pressed his gratitude by publishing the Review in the 
interests of the "triumvirate" and the queen. 2 This 
paper was "more moderate in tone, more straight- 
forward in style, and more varied and sound in substance 
than any political journal that had been published in 
England." 3 Through it, Defoe became the leader of the 
lower middle class, whose "mental outlook was so near 
akin to his own," 4 and his power is sufficiently attested 
by both friend and foe. The Review was published in 
Edinburgh as well as in London. In England it "was 
read in every coffee-house and club; often copies were 
stolen from these houses by Highfliers, that they might 
not be read ; their contents were quoted on every popular 
hustings; the Duchess of Marlborough sent them over 
to the camp of Flanders ; and the writer, on peril of his 
life, was warned to discontinue them." 5 Defoe's paper 
was a vital force in determining how the masses would 
vote, where elections had the faintest suggestion of being 
popular. But it was not only his periodicals, but his 
pamphlets as well, which acted as important factors in 

i Portl. MSS., II. 106; Eoscoe, Barley, p. 55. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 98 ; Appeal to Honour and Justice, pp. 5-6, 14 ; D. H. 
Stevens, Party Politics and English Journalism, pp. 47-8. 

3W. P. Trent, Defoe: Row to Know Him, p. 63; Minto, Defoe, p. 67. 
The Review's principles were the same as those of Harley and Godolphin. 

^Bateson, "Eelations of Defoe and Harley," E. H. E., XV. 238. See 
also Wilson, Defoe, II. 471. 

b John Forster, Defoe, pp. 63-4; Defoe's Eevieiv, VI. 588. Forster's 
essay is a careful, sympathetic piece of work, but it has been largely super- 
seded by Professor Trent's recent work. The latter has a critical article 
in the Cambridge History of English Literature, IX., in which he treats 
mainly the literary side of Defoe's career. 



290 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

settling the opinion of the constituencies represented by 
the House of Commons. 1 

The dangers incident to Defoe's career were not due 
entirely to his writings, although for these he was pil- 
loried. He was in constant danger on his rounds through 
the country in the capacity of secret agent ; his creditors 
were forever on his track; and his enemies, not satisfied 
with vilifying him as few men have ever been vilified, 
sought to imprison him. One officious Devonshire justice 
failed to show him the deference he thought his due, upon 
which Defoe felt called upon to remind him : "I have 
with me a certification from her Majesty's Secretary of 
State of my having acquainted the government of my 
occasions to travaile and of my giving security for my 
fidelity, requiring you as well as all other magistrates 
to offer me noe disturbance or molestation in my journey, 
and being at Biddeford when I had the notice of your 
injustice-like as well as ungentleman-like warrant, I went 
immediately to the principle magistrate of the town to 
show myselfe and the author aforesaid to any man that 
had reason to question it." 2 Despite this clear statement 
of Defoe's protection by the ministry, the justice was in 
doubt where his duty lay. He found that Defoe was be- 
coming intimate with the Presbyterians and other Dis- 
senters. In addition, he took violent umbrage at Defoe's 
oft-repeated accusation that the young men in parlia- 
ment wasted their time and rushed into the house at the 
last moment to vote as their leaders dictated on impor- 
tant motions, without regard to the merit of the measures. 

Defoe was forever encountering such difficulties. 
However, they seem to have had little terror for him. 

i Defoe had already written at least a dozen tracts upon timely political 
questions, of which some were so popular that they were frequently pirated. 
Wilson, II. 353. 

2 S. P. Dom., Anne, VI. 106. An account of his political life is found in 






BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 291 

As his knowledge of political and economic conditions 
increased, his reports became more significant. At times, 
his knowledge of the political situation was almost un- 
canny, and frequently his prophesies were of inestimable 
benefit to the ministry which he served so secretly. 1 
Particularly was this the case in the election of 1705, and 
in the Scottish negotiations. 

Defoe was not the only writer whom Harley used to 
further the ends of the ministry, as Toland and Tutchin 
were at this time also working under his patronage. 2 
Neither was the Review the only periodical in which he 
was interested, since early in the reign he took charge 
of the London Gazette, the official organ of the ministry, 
and did not relinquish it until Sunderland became secre- 
tary. 3 This placed in his hands a powerful instrument 
for directing the thoughts of the people, of which no man 
of his time could make more use. For a while both Marl- 
borough and Harley bewailed the fact that the Gazette 
was so slovenly written. When this was remedied, they 
decided that a semi-official publication was also needed, 
and material unsuitable for the Gazette was printed 
under Harley 's direction in the Postman. 4 " 

Of course Harley and Godolphin were aided by others 
besides Defoe, Lewis, and St. John. A large number of 
the more moderate Tories supported both long after their 
more zealous brethren had been forced from the minis- 
try. 5 Yet the fact must be steadily kept in mind that the 

i Add. MSS., 7121, f. 25; 28094, f. 165; Lee, Defoe, I. 116; Camb. Hist, 
of Eng. Lit., IX. 8-17; Portl. MSS., IV. 339-41, 350. 

2 Wilson, Defoe, II. 377-8; Dayrolles Papers, Add. MSS., 15866, f. 58. 

s S. P. Dom., Anne, II. 90; Cal. S. P. Dom. (1702-3), 709; Priv. Cor., I. 
36. Dr. Stevens, in the Nation (N. Y.), July 8, 1915, gives Sunderland much 
prominence, but fails to say anything of the part played by Marlborough 
and Harley earlier. See Bath MSS., I. 115. 

iBath MSS., I. 81; Coxe Papers, XVII. 185. 

s Salomon (p. 5) speaks of the faction supporting Harley as " ein dritte 
partei. ' ' 



292 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

" triumvirate " held allegiance to no party, or set of indi- 
viduals, save as the exigencies of the times might demand. 
In this lies the real political significance of Godolphin's 
ministry, which tried to administer the government with- 
out the dictation of either party — the last serious attempt 
of the kind in English politics. Harley was taken into 
the cabinet in an endeavor to prevent the interference of 
the junto with government policies. When the " trium- 
virs" could no longer work independently, the co-opera- 
tion of its three members came to an end. 

Although holding to neither party, the ministry had 
to gain support from the moderates of both. To some 
extent this was accomplished by a judicious distribution 
of the offices at court. In the majority of the important 
changes, Anne took an intelligent and often decisive part, 
especially when the ideas of punishment and reward were 
joined. Buckingham was dismissed because his attitude 
on vital measures ran contrary to the wishes of the "tri- 
umvirate" and the queen. 1 Moreover, his dismissal gave 
the opportunity of gaining the services of one of the 
wealthiest nobles in England, who was also a moderate 
Whig and Harley 's firm friend. Newcastle's inclusion 
in the ministry, though accomplished with some difficulty, 
nevertheless won for the ministry the support of many 
independent Whigs who were not dominated by the junto. 

Harley was mainly responsible for Newcastle's ap- 
pointment as lord privy seal, and nowhere is his political 
management better illustrated. Early in 1704, Harley 
made his plans, 2 even before he had been formally named 
as secretary himself. He first had to overcome Godol- 
phin's objections to admitting a Whig, so prominent 

i Chamberlen, p. 188. One must not forget that this was before the 
period when ministerial unity was a sine qua non. Anne was also anxious 
to have a ministry which was above and apart from factions. 

2Portl. MSS., II. 182, 187; ib., IV. 84; Cal. S. P. Bom. (1702-3), p. 485. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 293 

although moderate, into the government. Furthermore, 
Anne was even more averse to honoring any Whigs in 
this fashion. All through the year, Harley labored in 
his friend's behalf. It is possible that Newcastle would 
have been content with the position of lord chamberlain, 
but the queen gave that place to Kent without consulting 
either the lord treasurer or Harley. 1 The latter was not 
discouraged, as he was soon striving to gain Newcastle 
another place in the ministry. He even consulted Anne 
about the matter, although he received little encourage- 
ment, and it was not until four months later that he was 
at all certain that his endeavors would be successful. 2 
He persevered, however, with both Godolphin and the 
queen, and Newcastle was finally rewarded as Harley 
wished. 3 Nottingham's removal rid the ministry of a 
trouble breeder, who attended to politics at the expense 
of foreign affairs. Seymour was also primarily a poli- 
tician, although he lacked Nottingham's sincerity, and 
the cabinet gained noticeable unity when he and Jersey 
were dismissed in favor of abler and more reasonable 
men, an action absolutely necessary, if the mixed ministry 
were to continue. 

With all the vehement Tories displaced, the "trium- 
virate," strengthened by a great military triumph, felt 
sufficiently able, while the action of the "tackers" gave 

i Portl. MSS., II. 184. 

2 lb., 185. Harley assured one of Newcastle's supporters that they were 
busy planning other changes so that the new minister would find himself 
in happier company when he came into the cabinet. A few weeks later he 
reported that all was progressing favorably, but slowly, as they expected 
to change the lord keeper as well as the privy seal. lb., 187. By the 
middle of November, Godolphin had capitulated and they were doubtless 
awaiting the fate of the Occasional Conformity Bill before asking Anne's 
consent. lb., 188-93. See Bath MSS., I. 67. 

3 Add. MSS., 4743, f. 33. Newcastle later became lord lieutenant of the 
North Biding and one of the commissioners for negotiating the union. 
A. Collins, Eistor. Collections, pp. 180-1. 



294 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

tliem the excuse, to make such distribution of public 
offices as would the better build up their power. They 
labored slowly, but their work was thorough. They even 
dismissed the justices of the peace, in some cases. 1 In 
March, 1705, information came direct from the secretary 
of state, that although few changes had yet been made, 
"all those that are talked of, will be made, as fast as it 
may be, and that the other Tories will be out of all." 2 
It may be surmised that a ministry which thought itself 
above parties would be unlikely to carry out this threat 
to the letter. This conclusion is made reasonably certain 
by the number of office seekers who complained because 
no vacancies had been created for them. 

As his political importance increased, Harley began 
to exercise additional influence over civil appointments. 
This is evident from Marlborough's kindly letter relative 
to a title for Cowper, whose appointment as lord keeper 
Harley had solicited earlier. ' ' I am impatient of having 
your thoughts upon the methods of making the Queen's 
business go easy in the winter. I am very glad you are 
so well pleased with Lord Keeper, I am sure it is my 
hearty desire that the Queen should encourage everybody 
that serves her well; what you desire for him, can be no 
ways uneasy, but the engagement her Majesty may be 
under, but you and the Lord Treasurer are the best 
judges as to the time." Later he wrote, "What you have 
writ . . . concerning a title for Lord Keeper I think so 
reasonable that I shall with pleasure endeavour to serve 
him." 3 

Even if the moderate Whigs and moderate Tories were 
disappointed by the lack of thoroughness in removing 
government officials, the Highfliers imagined that the 

i Portl. MSS., IV. 134; House of Lords MSS. (n. s.), VI. 260-1. 
2 Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, ff. 286-7. 
a Bath MSS., I. 82, 115. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 295 

"triumvirate" would never stop until every real Tory 
should be driven from office. "We are continually 
alarmed," said one of them, "that the Whigs are all to 
come in, and the Church party to go entirely out, and 
among other changes they give out that Lord Wharton 
is to come hither." 1 Harley and Godolphin constantly 
worked with the queen to get rid of refractory officials 
that she might reward the faithful. Although she may 
have been reluctant at first, Anne soon began to take an 
interest in these new appointments. Cowper noted that 
at one of the meetings of the council, she decided upon 
whom she desired for two important positions. In mak- 
ing some military appointments, which for the most part 
were confessedly under Marlborough's direction, she 
shrewdly observed that she could not be expected to sign 
commissions unless she were in possession of more facts. 2 
The duchess again and again found herself unable to aid 
even her closest friends, but not until she found her plans 
for Sunderland going awry, did she reflect that others 
at times possessed the queen's ear. If this was her in- 
fluence in 1706, when her husband was resplendent with 
the glory of Blenheim and Ramillies, her power after 
Mrs. Masham and Harley became Anne's confidants may 
be readily conjectured. 

To discover Harley 's part in royal appointments is 
exceedingly difficult, as his success depended on absolute 
secrecy. Occasionally, indications may be found that his 
influence was by no means negligible in determining ap- 
pointments even outside the secretariat. General Cutts, 
the Ney of the War of the Spanish Succession, was highly 
pleased because Harley promised to aid him secure pro- 

i Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28893, f. 95. Wharton was lord lieutenant 
of Ireland at this time. 

2 Boyer, p. 177; Cowper, Diary, January 5, 1706; Ellis Papers, Add. 
MSS., 28892, f. 357. 



296 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

motions or other court favors. 1 For the most part, Marl- 
borough controlled military appointments and in diplo- 
macy he also had his way, but in domestic appointments 
he wielded less power. As far as he was represented in 
such matters, it was usually through Godolphin, and not 
through his wife, as has heretofore been assumed. Al- 
though the duke was often absent on the firing line, it is 
improbable that any appointment of moment was made 
without a conference of the "triumvirate" with the 
queen. 2 When Sunderland at last forced himself into 
the ministry as secretary of state, Marlborough's inter- 
ests might be assumed to have better representation. 
Such was not the case, as the new secretary was by no 
means in entire accord with his illustrious father-in- 
law, whereas Anne remained hostile to the young earl 
throughout. 

By the same token, Harley's influence with the queen 
increased. Although Godolphin kept assuring Marl- 
borough that everything was going as they wished in 
appointments, the duke saw far more than the lord treas- 
urer of what was going on behind the scenes. He was 
fully aware that as a cabinet member, and moreover as 
one of the three directors of government affairs, Harley 
was constantly besieged by men who desired offices or 
promotions. A large portion of Harley's time was spent 
in discussing with Godolphin the best methods of filling 
certain offices. When Marlborough was in England, he 
also attended the regular consultations, one of which was 

iPortl. MSS., IV. 116. 

2 Granville was writing to all three members of the ' ' triumvirate ' ' and 
to St. John to get their support. Forth MSS., IV. 235, 396. When he was 
at last successful, he thanked Harley for his aid. lb., 216. See also Bath 
MSS., I. 77. Prior was another persistent office seeker, but was unsuccess- 
ful, probably because he confined his appeals to Marlborough. Coxe Papers, 
XXII-XXIV. passim. See also Prior Papers (H. M. C), pp. 433-6. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 297 

held every Sunday evening before the usual meeting of 
the cabinet council. 1 Shortly after Ramillies, the duke 
learned how slowly political matters were progressing 
and wrote the secretary for suggestions. A month later, 
he asked Harley to co-operate closely with Godolphin, 
to whom he had written : " I think . . . Harley should be 
instructed in the whole proceedings, so that he might 
acquaint the Cabinet Council with what you [both ?] 
think proper." 2 

This advice was probably the result of the trouble over 
Sunderland's appointment, since the relations between 
Godolphin and Harley were cordial enough before that. 3 
Their estrangement was not a breach in their relations, 
but was rather due to Godolphin 's disposition to sulk 
when matters were going poorly with him. Indeed, his 
"blue Mondays" were all too frequent, as he had the mis- 
fortune to take himself too seriously. Another cause of 
their coolness lay in Harley 's attitude towards the crown, 
which was in perfect accord with that of the queen, to 
wit, that the sovereign should be above parties and not 
allow herself to descend to the level of party politics. 
"I take it for granted that no party in the House can 
carry it for themselves without the Queen's servants join 
with them," he wrote. "That the foundation is, persons 
or parties are to come in to the Queen, not the Queen to 
them ; that the Queen hath chosen rightly which party she 
will take in. . . . If the gentlemen of England are made 
sensible that the Queen is the Head, and not a Party, 
everything will be easy, and the Queen will be courted, 

i Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28892, f. 370; Coxe Papers, XIII. 179, 
XVIII. 93, XXII. 124, 151 ; Portl. MSS., IV. 181. 

2 Coxe Papers, XIX. 136. At another time the duke wrote Harley: "As 
the Parliament draws near, I beg at your leisure I may hear as often as 
may be." Bath MSS., I. 105. See ib., 67-104, passim. 

s Bath MSS., I. 73. 



298 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

and not a Party, but if otherwise, " x About the same 

time Harley suggested to Godolphin that Anne should 
be restored "to an entire freedom of acting." 2 

From September, 1705, the relations of Harley and 
Godolphin grew less intimate, but even then they were 
far from the breaking point. Shortly after this, the 
latter wrote confidentially to the secretary about filling 
the office of lord privy seal and an important judgeship, 
giving him complete control of the latter. 3 As usual, he 
had to call upon Harley to frame the queen's speech for 
the opening of parliament. Cowper, the next year, de- 
scribed a cabinet council at which, "the Queen desired 
that her speech might be prepared." Upon this diary 
entry, Lord Hardwicke commented, saying, "that func- 
tion having been long in the Great Seal is reverted back 
to the Secretary of State." 4 From this it is clear that 
Harley 's responsibility for Anne's speeches was direct. 
In the nerve-racking contest for the speakership in 1 705, 
Godolphin enjoyed his support, and for a time, the vic- 
tory of the Whigs 5 and Harley 's success in getting the 
"Queen's servants" returned to the Commons heartened 
the three ministers exceedingly. At the close of the year, 
they were working harmoniously against the Highfliers, 
who were bent on driving them from power and prevent- 
ing the union with Scotland. 

To defeat such plans the co-operation of the junto was 
indispensable and, as we have seen, its members were 
never tardy in demanding their dues. At the same 
moment, Lady Marlborough's influence with Anne was 

i Bath MSS., I. 74. Theoretically such -were Godolphin 's ideas, which he 
had been forced to abandon, when he admitted Sunderland to the ministry. 

2 An Account of the Conduct of Robert, Earl of Oxford, p. 28. 

s Bath MSS., I. 76-7, 96. See also Portl. MSS., I. 386. 

* Strickland, XII. 127; Cowper, Diary, 21 October, 1705, and 21 March, 
1706. 

*Bath MSS., I. 78; Portl. MSS., IV. 175; Fy. Hist., VI. 449. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 299 

steadily declining, and her attempts to aid the Whigs 
became correspondingly ineffective. 1 Still worse, if pos- 
sible, the other members of the inner cabinet began to 
distrust Harley. 

The credit for this discovery goes to the duchess, who 
had disliked Harley from the time of his introduction 
into the cabinet. 2 Yet even her intuition failed to find 
any specific charge against him for a long time, because 
she did not dream that he was working through the 
humble Abigail Hill. Early in 1706, Godolphin suggested 
that Harley may have been intriguing against the min- 
istry 3 and by May the duchess probably was convinced 
that Harley had begun his ' ' undermining operations ' ' by 
insinuating to the queen that she was a figurehead in her 
own government and would remain so as long as the 
Marlboroughs retained her favor. 4 Cowper soon ques- 
tioned the honesty of the secretary's professions. 5 Not 
until October did Godolphin inform the duke that the 
duchess was certain "Mr. Harley, Mr. St. John, and one 
or two more of your particular friends were underhand 
endeavouring to bring all the difficulties they could think 
of upon the public business in the next sessions." 6 The 
duchess, unaware that Anne was completely in Harley 's 
confidence, thought seriously of informing the queen of 
his equivocal behavior, but Marlborough, who had already 
received Harley 's letter reflecting upon the Whigs and 
their policies, must have persuaded her to refrain. The 

i Bath MSS., I. 78. 

2Eeid, p. 229; Coxe, II. 22-3. 

3 Coxe Papers, XXI. 127. Letter to Marlborough. See also Bath MSS., 
I. 72. 

* Keid, p. 272. It is disappointing to find that Mr. Eeid fails to quote 
or give any specific citations in defense of his assertions, but is content to 
refer casually to the Blenheim Papers. 

s See Cowper, Diary, p. 18; Portl. MSS., II. 195; Leadam, pp. 123-4. 

e Coxe, II. 22. See also ib., ch. 52. 



300 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

secretary had only expressed the duke's own sentiments 
against putting the administration of affairs into Whig 
hands, and he gave it little more thought at that time. 1 

After Sunderland came into the cabinet, he at once 
discovered what was amiss, and wrote in measured terms 
against Harley's tactics in parliament, suggesting that 
Anne was secretly supporting him. 2 The members of the 
junto then went about arousing their followers against 
Harley, but even this failed to awaken Marlborough and 
Godolphin to the danger that would follow, should he 
gain a more secure position under the queen's protection. 
In his treatment of Anne, Harley had been most judi- 
cious. He managed to agree with her upon every impor- 
tant subject, or caused her to think that he did. He con- 
vinced her that she was being imposed upon, and that 
her only release from such bondage lay through Robert 
Harley, who always did what his sovereign desired. As 
secretary, he shrewdly submitted all important matters 
to her for her approbation, and thus, by appealing to her 
pride, he gained her confidence and esteem. 3 "With such 
an efficient assistant as Abigail Hill close to Anne's ear, 
it was not difficult for Harley to have his way with her 
in all but vital government policies. 

i Coxe, II. 20-3. The letters are given in full. In fact, the relations of 
Marlborough and Harley seemed to grow more intimate. Bath MSS., I. 
167, sq. 

2 Coxe Papers, XXL 158. Coxe notes at the end of this letter that he is 
not certain from the cipher that Harley is the one accused, as Sunderland 
may have meant Queensberry. However, it is rather obvious that it was 
Harley and not the Scottish duke whom he denounced in this unusual manner. 
Another peculiar letter criticizing the secretary and complaining of Harley's 
treatment of Nottingham is in Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, ff. 
459-60. 

s S. P. Dom., Anne, V. 53; An Account of the Conduct of Robert, Earl 
of Oxford, 26. "Harley will take the Queen's commands and acquaint you 
with them, concerning the alteration of our several foreign ministers. ' ' 
Coxe Papers, XIX. 154. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 301 

Godolpkin was thus caught between two fires from 
which there seemed to be no escape. If he did not allow 
the members of the junto more representation in the 
ministry, they would refuse to aid him in continuing the 
war. If he agreed to put more Whigs into important 
places, he was faced with the queen's personal objections, 
which were aided and abetted by Harley's secret counsels. 
If he favored the Whigs, he lost Anne's support; if he 
refused to favor them, he was unable to aid Marl- 
borough's campaigns. The year 1707 was destined to 
be a nervous one for both the duke and his faithful, timid 
colleague. 

To add to Godolphin's troubles, his suspicions of 
Harley grew rapidly at this time. Harley's attitude on 
the Drawback Bill of 1707 is the reason usually assigned 
for the coolness between him and the lord treasurer; yet, 
at the time, his attitude was not looked upon as dis- 
loyalty to his chief. Indeed, had the latter come out 
squarely against this measure, it is doubtful if the secre- 
tary would have fathered it. The truth is, the lord treas- 
urer seemed willing to give Harley a carte blanche in the 
whole matter. At any rate, the disagreement was not 
serious, as Godolphin's arguments, backed by one of 
Defoe's letters, seemed to have caused Harley to drop 
the bill. 1 As soon as the union was a reality, Harley 
joined himself with Sunderland, Cowper, and Godolphin 
in an endeavor to make it succeed. Difficulties innumer- 
able and trying arose and were adjusted with tactfulness. 
That the lord treasurer and the secretary differed fre- 
quently in their opinions is evident, 2 but there was no 
open quarrel. 

iRoscoe, Barley, p. 77; Forth MSS., II. 415. Consult Py. Hist., VI. 
579; Portl. MSS., II. 407; Bath MSS., I. 169. 

2 See the letters of December 5-9, 1702, between Harley and Godolphin. 
Bath MSS., I. 179-88. It is possible that Harley did not believe that the 
danger in Scotland was as great as Defoe had suggested. Portl. MSS., II. 



302 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Late in March, Go-dolphin met with three members of 
the junto, who demanded increased recognition. He was 
so perplexed that he wrote a hurried note to Marl- 
borough, complaining of their obstinacy. He had scarcely 
become accustomed to the new state of affairs, when 
Harley aroused the Whigs by causing parliament to be 
prorogued a week longer than they wished. Godolphin 
had to inform Marlborough of this unfortunate incident, 
but Harley 's account written three days earlier 1 was a 
quiet way of informing the duke exactly what he had done 
against the junto, and it took most of the edge off Godol- 
phin 's complaint when it finally arrived. However, the 
letters between the duke and the lord treasurer grew 
more frequent, 2 while Sunderland occasionally added his 
jeremiad to the general burden of censure heaped upon 
the queen for her obstinacy. 

Little good resulted from all this correspondence. 
Marlborough's note to Anne, at the same time polite and 
threatening, met a fate similar to that of the others. She 
was not to be moved; she did not like the Whig leaders, 
and was unwilling to have any more such men as Sunder- 
land in her employ. Even the duke's impassioned appeal 
in behalf of the much-abused lord treasurer failed to 
move her compassion, although she had no mind to wound 
him. 3 By this time the harangues of the duchess injured, 
rather than helped, their cause. Threats of resignation 
made no impression upon the queen. Indeed, some of 
Marlborough's statements seem more like dead earnest 
than veiled threats. "What you say concerning the un- 
easiness between the Queen and Lord Treasurer — if that 

382. Consult Roscoe, Harley, p. 58. Sunderland invited Harley to a meet- 
ing of the cabinet with the Scottish lords. See Portl. MSS., IV. 405, 415. 
iCoxe Papers, XXI. 115, 156, 171. 

2 Coxe, II. 99, sq. 

3 Thomas, p. 254. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 303 

continues, destruction must be the consequence, of the cir- 
cumstances of our affairs abroad, as well as at home," 
he wrote to Sunderland. "I am sure, to the best of my 
understanding, and with the hazard of my life, I will 
always endeavour to serve the Queen. But if she inclines 
more to be governed by . . . Harley, than . . . [Godol- 
phin], I would sooner lose my life than persuade him to 
continue, ... in the service of the Queen. This is only 
to yourself ; but you may depend upon it that if ever I be 
advised with, this will be my opinion. ' n 

The fundamental cause of the breach between Harley 
and Godolphin lay in their different political policies. 
Godolphin estimated that the Commons contained one 
hundred and ninety Whigs, one hundred and sixty Tories 
and one hundred "Queen's servants." 2 He thought that 
the last class could be depended upon to support the first, 
so he favored the Whigs as much as possible, as he felt 
that the ministry could continue only with their support. 
"Without them, and their being intire, the Queen cannot 
be served," he wrote, and if these were not satisfied, "the 
majority will be against us upon every occasion of con- 
sequence." 3 To these opinions, Harley could not agree, 
as he believed that it would be easier to get along with 
court affairs, if the Tories and queen were kept in good 
humor, as the clergy and some fifteen of the "Queen's 
servants" naturally inclined toward the Tories. 4 In this 
opinion it would appear that he had Anne's moral sup- 
port, and he insisted that although he was deeply at- 
tached to both Marlborough and Godolphin, he could not 
concede that the queen's friends must speak as well as 
vote for all ministerial measures. 

iCoxe, II. 103. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 291. 

3 Bath MSS., I. 107. 

4 Portl. MSS., IV. 291. His estimate was based upon the number who 
voted for speaker. See also Leadam, p. 127. 



304 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

The differences were vital and irreconcilable, but the 
duke consented to act as peacemaker. He wrote Godol- 
phin that the attitude, not only of Harley, but of Anne 
as well, gave him some disquietude, and strongly urged 
him to take the secretary with him to wait upon the 
queen, and then and there demand an understanding. 
So far as known, Godolphin never was able to screw up 
his courage sufficiently to attempt this stroke. Harley 
and he drifted farther apart. The earl was ready to quit, 
but the duke was unwilling that he should try that final 
alternative, until all other means were exhausted; when 
he found Godolphin reluctant to face Anne or the secre- 
tary, he counseled writing the queen, and calling her 
attention to the state of affairs without any threat of 
resigning. 1 This advice was followed with the same 
results as before. Harley hated and feared all the junto 
except Halifax, and in self-defense showed Anne his 
colleagues' shortcomings, 2 so that even Marlborough was 
moved to such summary measures that he was willing to 
inform the queen exactly what policies she should follow, 
"and if that be not agreeable, that she should lose no 
time in knowing of Mr. Harley what his scheme is, and 
follow that." 3 Marlborough believed that when Anne 
learned of these threatened resignations, she would be 
likely to hesitate, and in that way he would gain time. 
He counted, too, upon Harley 's natural hesitation to 
accept the entire administration of affairs before he had 
effected an alliance with the Tories. In the meantime, 
the duke tried to win St. John from his colleague, but all 
his efforts seemed tardy, for just as he thought Godol- 

iCoxe, II. 103-6. Marlborough's letter of 7 July, 1707, advised Godol- 
phin to take Harley to task individually. Coxe Papers (XXII. 160, and 
XXIII. passim) also deal with the same topic. 

2 In the meantime, Harley, with Godolphin 's consent, was active in filling 
valuable political offices. Bath MSS., I. 171-81 ; Portl. MSS., IV. 407-13. 

s Coxe, II. 107. Cf. Bath MSS., I. 175-7. 



BREAK-UP OF THE ''TRIUMVIRATE" 305 

phin had gained control of the situation, he was shocked 
to learn that the latter despaired of having any voice in 
filling three vacant bishoprics. 1 To add to the general 
gloom, the Whigs became more exacting than ever, and 
left both the duke and Godolphin with little hope of 
ultimate success. 2 

Yet, neither Godolphin nor the duke ceased to impor- 
tune the queen. Most of their letters, it is true, con- 
cerned the vacant sees, but some of them referred to 
Harley as well. In their desperation, they decided to 
place their resignations in Anne's hands. The effect is 
best observed in her reply, which denied emphatically 
having disturbed any of the ministerial measures, "for 
I cannot think," she wrote, "my having nomi[na]ted Sir 
William Daws and Dr. Blackall to be bishops to be any 
breach, they being worthy men, and all the clamour that 
is raised against them proceeds from the malace of 18 
[the Whigs], which you would see very plainly if you 
were here." 3 With such an attitude, there was no hope 
that she would listen to reason and the bishops she had 
named were duly inducted into office. 

Despite Anne's insistence that Harley had nothing to 
do with selecting the bishops, there is no doubt that he 
influenced her decisions in other ways less open to dis- 
covery. He was always upon the ground, and Mrs. 
Masham was constantly reminding the queen of her de- 
pendent state. Lady Marlborough's power over Anne 
was now lost. 4 The duke realized this, yet he felt that 
he must answer Anne's doubts, and attempt a reconcilia- 
tion between the women. So he called Mrs. Morley's 

i Morrison, IV. 148. See also Coxe, II. 106-8. 

2 Mahon, p. 317. It is strange that Marlborough was not certain who 
had supplanted him in Anne's affections. Coxe, II. 110. 
^ Mario, MSS., p. 41. 
4 Coxe, II. 99, 157; Priv. Cor., I. 106; Coxe Papers, XV. 83-5. 



306 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

attention to Mrs. Freeman's sincerity, and assured her 
that their purpose was not to place her at the mercy of 
the Whigs, but rather to keep her out of the grasp of the 
hot-headed Tory leaders. 

In these trying times, Godolphin appealed to Harley 
for his hearty co-operation. "I can't forbear adding 
upon this occasion," he wrote, "that if we who have the 
honour to serve the best Queen in the world can't agree 
upon the proper measures for her service at home, what- 
ever we do abroad will signify very little." 1 The secre- 
tary's reply reassured Godolphin for only a few days. 
Matters did not mend with them, even though Harley 
asserted his innocence of intriguing and hinted that his 
resignation might be acceptable. Godolphin promptly 
and emphatically denied this insinuation: "I never had, 
nor never can have, a thought of your being out of the 
Queen's service while I am in it; but I am as sure I 
neither desire nor am able to continue in it, unless we can 
agree upon the measures by which she is to be served at 
home and abroad. ' ' 2 

The representations of Godolphin and the duchess at 
last aroused the duke. He put the matter before the 
intriguer, who again denied working against the ministry, 
but conceded that he was opposing the pretensions of 
the- junto. "I am satisfied . . . there can be no other 
centre of union but the Queen, by the ministrations of 
your Lordship and the Duke," he wrote the lord treas- 
urer, "and there the bulk of the nation will fix themselves, 
if they may be suffered, all other expedients are wretched 
things, and will end but very ill." 3 Late in September, 
the duke's letters to Harley were more caressing, but at 

i Bath MSS., I. 180. 

2 lb., 183; T. Somerville, Queen Anne, p. 626. The lord treasurer also 
insisted that Harley attend council meetings as usual. 

s Bath MSS., 181; Coxe, II. 171; Eardwicke State Papers, II. 483. 



BREAK-UP OF THE " TRIUMVIRATE" 307 

the same time Marlborough sought the aid of Newcastle 
in overthrowing the secretary. 1 In endeavoring to stem 
the tide, Harley prepared a letter to the duke, which after 
some consideration, he decided not to send. In it, he 
denied being "uneasy" in the ministry, because "I have 
not intermeddled with anything. I have not solicited for 
nor against any person, I know nothing wherein I am a 
grievance, but that I have two eyes, and yet I wink as 
hard as anybody." 2 In the letter which he did send, 
Harley was less explicit, but even more insistent upon the 
danger to the government, if it were controlled by the 
junto. 

Despite such statements, however, all three men were 
uneasy, although they went about their public business 
as though there was not the slightest friction. Thor- 
oughly discouraged, but hoping that they might be able 
to straighten out their troubles, Godolphin asked per- 
mission to call on Harley at his office. " 'Tis true the 
affairs at home would require a good deal to be said upon 
them," he wrote, "but I find they must go as they will, 
and I can do no more than I have done." 3 Harley agreed 
to a conference and advised that unless Godolphin 
initiated a program, the people would certainly follow 
some other politician who did put forth a policy. The 
meeting took place with little satisfaction to either 
minister. 

In the meantime, to prevent matters going any further 
against the duchess at court, Marlborough advised her 
not to annoy Anne by such frequent, disagreeable refer- 
ences to Mrs. Masham. 4 His wife, obedient for once, 

i Coxe, II. 163. For Marlborough's correspondence, see Bath MSS., I. 
184-6; Portl. MSS., II. 200. 

2 Bath MSS., I. 186. This letter exemplifies Harley 's oracular utterances. 
3 /&., I. 186. See also ib., 185. 
* Coxe, II. 161. 






308 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAKTIES 

agreed to do as he wished, but the provocations were too 
great for her to hold her tongue long. Matters failed to 
mend, although the duke continued his protestations to 
the queen, 1 to his wife, to the lord treasurer, and to Har- 
ley. He began to lose hope of keeping Godolphin in office. 
"If he stays in his place, and does not entirely govern the 
Queen," he wrote Lady Marlborough, "he will be duped 
by Mr. Harley ; and if he does, which is certainly the best 
for himself, quit, he will do great hurt both to the busi- 
ness at home and abroad." 2 Yet the three struggled on 
against the secretary, hoping that some modus Vivendi 
might be reached. Anne seemed almost reasonable at 
times. She showed no desire to rid herself of Godolphin 
as long as he would carry out her wishes, and was more 
reluctant to permit Marlborough to leave the army. 
These points she made exceedingly clear to the duchess, 
who might have saved her pride had she been less impa- 
tient. "I never did, nor never will give them any just 
reason to forsake me, and they have too much honour and 
too sincere a love for their country to leave me without a 
cause. And I beg you would not add that to my other 
misfortunes, of pushing them on to such an unjust, and 
unjustifiable action." 3 She was not content to rely upon 
Sarah's magnanimity, or even upon Harley, but once 
more she asked her good friend, Archbishop Sharp, to 
aid her. 

Because her consort was its titular head, the queen had 
a special interest in the Admiralty, which just now was 
under the usual fire of criticism that has attended the 
English navy in all its great wars. The chief supporter 
of Prince George was Admiral Churchill, who was as 
impetuous as his great brother was cool. An attack was 

i Morrison, IV. 148. 

2 Coxe, II. 162. 

3 Conduct, p. 202. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 309 

made upon Churchill in parliament. Anne was, of course, 
his champion, and appealed to the archbishop to vote for 
him. 1 Sharp failed to give her a satisfactory answer, 
and a week later she once more begged him to support 
the Admiralty. 

While Anne was thus interesting herself in naval 
affairs, Godolphin was forcing Harley to a decision. It 
is scarcely accurate to call the secretary's ambiguous 
replies satisfactory answers to the lord treasurer's 
question whether he might count Harley as a supporter 
or a rival, and his shuffling behavior assured both his 
colleagues that they had nothing to expect from him, 
however much the secretary might protest his innocence 
of treachery towards them. Both dreaded the meeting 
of parliament, and discussed the advisability of putting 
it off until Marlborough could arrive in England. 
Godolphin also feared to have Anne address parliament 
until the duke was on the scene. Eventually, they allowed 
parliament to proceed as usual, but Marlborough hurried 
back to find things in as ill a state for his party as could 
be pictured. While still at The Hague awaiting favor- 
able winds, Marlborough asked to see Harley upon his 
arrival in London. 2 If the meeting ever occurred, it 
accomplished nothing. 

When everything seemed darkest, and Godolphin was 
at the end of his resources, help came from an unexpected 
quarter — from the secretary himself. He certainly did 
not intend to aid his adversaries, but his lack of atten- 
tion to the details of his office paved the way for his 

i Sharp, I. 302. A similar instance of royal interference on behalf of 
her spouse is noted in Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28070, f. 8, which con- 
tains Anne's very emphatic letter to Godolphin. Before the session was 
over, Anne a third time called the archbishop to her to ask aid against the 
bill to dissolve the Scottish council. Sharp, I. 303. The bill failed. Wyon, 
II. 7. 

2 These letters are printed in Bath MSS., I. 187, and Coxe, II. 174-5. 



310 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

undoing. With so much work upon his hands as secre- 
tary, coupled with his extraordinary activity as a poli- 
tical agent, Harley was always a busy man, though never 
a methodical one. While engaged in political intrigues, 
he had no time to carry out any except the most impor- 
tant details of his duties. He, like his predecessor, 1 left 
valuable papers scattered about his office where subor- 
dinates might easily read them. Indeed, the burden of 
his work fell to under-secretaries and clerks. One of the 
latter was Greg, who, disappointed at his failure to 
receive from the ministry proper recognition for his ser- 
vices, decided to sell important diplomatic secrets to 
Louis XIV. His intrigues proceeded only a short time 
before he was discovered and arrested. 

Of Greg's guilt there was no doubt, but to what extent 
Harley was implicated, remained an open question. The 
Whigs as well as Godolphin and Marlborough insisted 
that Greg had done no more than carry out his supe- 
rior's plans, 2 and absence of satisfactory proof was for 
some time more than offset by exuberance in accusation. 
The incident failed to shake Anne's faith in Harley, who 
now became the butt of the attack of the infuriated junto 
and lost the chance to build up a personal party under the 
queen's direction. With all his shrewdness, he was 
unable to see this. He knew he was innocent, and failed 
to understand how the circumstance would weaken him. 
The frantic attacks of his political opponents rather 
strengthened his case than otherwise, as Greg was brave 

i See an "Unpublished Political Paper of Defoe," E. E. B., XXII. 131. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 469, V. 648. Edward Harley 's account is in Mackin- 
tosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, f. 132. Harley 's enemies held that his 
spies had been responsible for Fourbin's success against the English mer- 
chant marine. Cooke, Bolingbroke, I. 90. It was soon evident that Harley 
was innocent of intentional misconduct, but when men learned how careless 
he had been with important diplomatic documents, they began to doubt if he 
would prove an efficient first minister. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 311 

enough to testify in common with two other suspects that 
Harley had not the slightest knowledge of their intrigues. 1 

Harley, meanwhile, pursued the even tenor of his way. 
He still continued to act as the champion of the "trium- 
virate" in the Commons on as important a matter as the 
land tax. 2 At his urgent solicitation, apparently against 
Godolphin's wishes, 3 a meeting of the three men was held, 
and the secretary continued active in important legisla- 
tive affairs and in preparing Anne 's speech. 4 Just before 
the holidays, he appeared before the Commons "to open 
to us the state of the war ; I suppose the same in substance 
as the Duke . . . had done in the . . . Lords . . . He 
told us it was what her Majesty had directed him to lay 
before the Commons when they came upon the considera- 
tion of Spanish affairs." 5 

The strife within the inner cabinet drew Harley 
closer to the queen than he had been before. Because of 
Anne's obstinacy, Harley 's enemies sought in vain from 
September, 1707, until February, 1708, to drive him from 
the ministry. Having failed to make much capital of 
the Greg case, they sought for other means to put pres- 
sure upon the recalcitrant queen. Harley worried little 
about his place, since several times before the junto had 

i Greg's confession is in S. P. Dom., IX. Valliere and Barre, two smug- 
glers under Harley 's protection, were also imprisoned for acting as French 
spies. S. P. Dom., Entry Book, LXXVII. 43-6; S. P. For. Ministers, 
CXXI. 17. 

2 James, III. 283; Bath MSS., I. 188. 

3 " I humbly beg ... to wait upon your Lordship this evening at your 
house at eight, having some account . . . which I think in duty to your 
service I ought to acquaint you with; and I should be glad my Lord Duke 
. . . would be present." Bath MSS., I. 188; Somerville, Queen Anne, p. 627. 
The same day Godolphin complained to Harley about the Leicester by- 
election. Portl. MSS., IV. 464. 

* Campbell, Lives of the Lord Chancellors (1874), V. 170; James, III. 
289; Bath MSS., I. 188. 

5 A letter from Vernon to Shrewsbury, James, III. 302 ; Bath MSS., I. 
188-9. 



312 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

foretold his downfall. Throughout his career as secre- 
tary, the cabinet had been looked upon as "a weak min- 
istry, that must support itself by partyes" 1 and now it 
had become weaker still, by internal dissensions. The 
election of 1705 had bettered matters only for a time, 
and then the Whig element demanded the price of their 
continued support, which kept the "triumvirate" in hot 
water all the time. Yet, with the ministry in such straits, 
Harley had dared to start intriguing on his own responsi- 
bility against his colleagues. He had the courage to stand 
with the queen in an attempt to keep the government 
from being thrown entirely into the hands of the Whigs. 
A month after Greg's treason became known, Anne con- 
fided to her favorite prelate that "she meant to change 
her measures, and give no countenance to the Whig Lords 
but that all the Tories, if they would, should come in, and 
all Whigs likewise, that would show themselves to be in 
her interests, should have favour." 2 It is interesting 
to note that the queen sent many little comforts and 
necessities to Greg, while he was awaiting trial, 3 and she 
murmured at the junto's refusing to accept Greg's 
statement of Harley 's innocence. 4 

The queen, then, was determined to save Harley. 
Added weight is given to Sharp's account by Vernon, 

i Hanover Papers, Stowe MSS. (B. M.), 222, f. 281. See also Portl. 
MSS., IV. 146-56. 

2 Sharp, I. 323. Sharp 's biographer says that the Diary contains much 
more evidence on political affairs, which he unfortunately does not see fit 
to print. Apparently it is highly personal, as Anne poured out her whole 
mind to the archbishop. 

3 Strickland, XII. 172. 

* " 'It's strange,' said she once upon that occasion, 'that they would not 
have us believe the man now he acquits Mr. Harley, when they would have 
believed him if he had accused him; and that they will not believe the 
man's dying words, when it is evident they would have had great weight 
upon them if he had lived.' " An Account of the Conduct of Robert, Earl 
of Oxford, pp. 18-9. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 313 

who says it was generally known at court that "messages 
have been carried as from the Queen to several leading 
members among the Tory party to engage them to stand 
by her Majesty against the Whigs whose management 
she was dissatisfied with, and no less with the influence 
they had with the ministers. This is laid to the charge 
of Mr. Attorney [General] and Mr. St. John, but more 
particularly the latter, so that they [and Harley] are 
looked upon as a triumvirate that were framing a new 
scheme of administration, and Mrs. Hill the dresser is 
said to be engaged with them in the project." 1 

Roger Coke 2 gives still further information of the 
activity of these three Tories, while Addison and Dean 
Swift describe Harley 's schemes in considerable detail. 3 
All three agree that Harley and St. John had been 
maturing a plan to remove Sunderland and Godolphin 
from the ministry, with the full expectation that Marl- 
borough would remain in charge of the army after his 
political influence had been lost. 4 Anne was working 
hand and glove with the conspirators, as within the space 
of a single week she sent Harley two informal notes, the 
intimate tone of each clearly indicating how friendly she 
had become with him. In one, she requests an interview ; 
in the other, St. John is specifically mentioned as being 
in their confidence. 5 These notes prove how valiantly 

1 Coxe Papers, XIII. 240. Letter to Shrewsbury. 

2 "But some of them (Tories) . . . had for some time been playing an 
underhand game to put themselves at the head of affairs; the principal 
of which was Mr. Secretary Harley. The project was to remove the Lord 
Treasurer, and . . . Sunderland was to be out such a day, he being the 
person they resolved to begin with. ' ' Coke, III. 323. 

s Ball, F. Elrington, Cor. of Stvift, I. 74-5; Manchester MSS. (H. M. C), 
95. The scheme included Powlett, Hanmer, Hareourt, and St. John. 

4 Burnet, V. 343. Cf. Coxe, II. 191. 

s " Not being sure when I shall have an opportunity of speaking with 
you, I writt this to desire you would com to me to morrow morning at eleven 
o 'clock, or the next day at the same hour, as is most convenient to yourself. 



314 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Anne fought for Harley's retention in the ministry, for 
she, too, hoped the duke would remain as commander in 
chief after the ministry had been remodeled. 

This was a fundamental error, because, if Goclolphin 
was lacking in initiative, Marlborough was not. From 
his arrival in November, 1707, until February, 1708, he 
never ceased to force the issue upon the queen. Godolphin 
was heartened by his presence and broke with Harley. 1 
Previous threats of resignation having had no effect save 
to bring forth protestations from Anne expressing the 
hope that the loyalty of her general and lord treasurer 
would keep them from any such move, 2 Marlborough 
decided to risk everything upon a final coup, so both he 
and Godolphin made known their determination to resign. 
The queen gave them no satisfaction, so the duke retired 
into the country, doubtless imagining that the struggle 
was lost, 3 as did many others. When the cabinet council 
met, 4 Harley assumed charge of the meeting until he was 
interrupted by Somerset, who said he did not believe that 
such important matters should be discussed in the 
absence of Marlborough and Godolphin. Other members 
supported him, Harley had to give way 5 and the queen 

I am with all sincerity. Your very affectionett friend. Anne E. " Bath 
MSS., I. 189. See also ib., I. 70; Ed. Bev., CXVIII. 414. 

iBath MSS., I. 189-90; Somerville, Queen Anne, p. 628. 

2 Conduct, p. 212; Tindal, IV. 529; Marlb. MSS., p. 41. 

s Rumors had been spread abroad that a new ministry was being formed. 
Burnet, V. 350. Manchester MSS. (II. M. C), p. 95; James, III. 343. 
Marlborough had made overtures to the Whigs, particularly to Somerset and 
Newcastle, but he was doubtful of their support. Portl. MSS., II. 200, 
IV. 506. 

* This was not the Privy Council as some have supposed, for that body 
had no meeting between February 1 and 15. Anne must have felt, how- 
ever, that both of these sessions were important, as she had Prince George 
attend. Somerset, Marlborough, and Godolphin were present at both meet- 
ings, but Harley's place in the second was taken by Boyle. P. C. Reg., 
LXXXI. 5, sq. 

5F. E. Ball, Cor. of Swift, I. 74-5; Salomon, p. 16; Burnet, V. 351. 



BREAK-UP OF THE "TRIUMVIRATE" 315 

left the council in tears. She was unwilling to give up, 
but Harley was convinced the struggle was, for the 
moment, hopeless, and asked her to accept his resigna- 
tion, 1 which she did with great reluctance. 

As in December, 1706, Anne was forced to give way to 
Marlborough and the Whigs, but she did it with a poor 
grace. It is probable that had it not been for the pre- 
carious state of her own health as well as that of her 
husband, 2 she might have chosen to fight it out rather 
than cherish her resentment until later. The queen's 
concessions put the junto into the saddle. It is true no 
other member of that group was put into office imme- 
diately, but they expected to bring that to pass in due 
time. For Godolphin, although it was not the begin- 
ning, it certainly was not the end of his difficulties as 
ministerial leader. This victory of the Whigs only 
served to make them eager for additional favors. Marl- 
borough and Godolphin were now absolutely dependent 
for support on the junto and the still more uncertain 
i ' Flying Squadron ' ' from Scotland, 3 as they could expect 
little aid from a stubborn, sullen queen. They soon 
learned to their cost, that Harley, even in retirement, 
would cause them great difficulties, as he still retained 
Anne's ear through his faithful cousin, Mrs. Masham. 4 

i Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, ff. 130-1; Hearne, II. 93; Ed- 
wards, Founders, p. 212. Prince George, probably at Harley 's instigation, 
used his influence with the queen. Wilson, Defoe, III. 6. 

2 James, III. 229, 338; Boyer, p. 35; Coxe Papers, XIII. 130. 

s Defoe, Conduct of Parties, p. 15. 

* Defoe wrote to Harley, ' ' 'Tis also my opinion you are still rising. I 
wish you as successful as I believe you unshaken by the storm. ' ' Portl. 
MSS., IV. 477. See also Conduct, p. 213. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE QUEEN AND 
THE JUNTO 1709 

The purpose of this chapter is to show how the Whigs 
attempted to gain power after Harley was expelled from 
the ministry; and to ascertain the ways and means 
employed by him and the queen to defeat the ends of 
the Whigs and Godolphin. The first matter of impor- 
tance that occurred after the secretary's dismissal was 
the Scottish expedition. The Scottish Jacobites had long 
been restless, but the culmination of their intrigues lay 
in the Pretender's attempt to invade Scotland. Too 
much cannot be said of the seriousness of the situation, 
as Scotland was never in better mind to aid the Stuart 
claimant than in the spring of 1708. 1 The Scottish plot 
in 1703 had left much resentment, which in many quar- 
ters was increased by the negotiations which eventually 
resulted in the union. Commercial affairs had also added 
to the friction between the two countries, which was fur- 
ther augmented by the heated discussion over the Equiva- 
lent and the Drawback Bill. The disgruntled opponents 
of the union could not swallow all their rancor at once. 
The Jacobites, in particular, did not remain idle long, 2 
and in a few weeks intrigues with Louis XIV and St. 

i Mar and Eellie MSS. (H. M. C), p. 447; Thornton, Brunswick Acces- 
sion, p. 97. 

2 They were probably never inactive in this period, as they were in- 
triguing before the union. Portl. MSS., IV. 296; Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 
28892, ff. 220, 303. Some of the Presbyterians, however, repudiated the 
Pretender at once. Defoe, 'Review, V. 3. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 317 

Germain were in full sway; within a few months, plans 
for the Pretender's invasion of Scotland were in the 
making. The Chevalier's supporters saw that the only 
way to insure his claim to the English throne lay in his 
gaining a foothold upon the island before Anne's death, 
and organizing his supporters. To this plan, the treaty 
of union added strength, as many Jacobites now fully 
expected that the Pretender would succeed his sister at 
Whitehall. Another faction of the discontented felt that 
the union made the accession of the Chevalier hopeless 
unless they struck at once and struck hard. 1 

The time was auspicious; England seemed unsuspect- 
ing and unprepared; the Pretender was anxious to win 
his spurs, while Louis XIV, assured that Scotland was 
prepared to rise, agreed to furnish twenty-six ships under 
the command of Fourbin, probably hoping by this feint 
to draw off Marlborough from the Low Countries. 2 As 
a result, the interest in England was intense. The min- 
istry was aroused, and London was greatly excited, 3 fear- 
ing lest James Edward should succeed in landing and 
make a junction with his Jacobite supporters, who were 
numerous throughout Scotland. This junction once 
made, James might be able to secure sufficient aid from 
his English sympathizers to march on London, and live 
as heir apparent until Anne's death. 4 

It seemed probable that he might be able to land in 

i See J. Oldmixon, Memoirs of North Britain, pp. 238, sq. 

2 See Carstares, State Papers, p. 763; LocJchart Papers, I. 224-7; Boyer, 
p. 334. 

3 J. Hervey, Letter Boohs, I. 231. Lonis had not planned this invasion 
until after strict examination of the conditions. Carte MSS. (Bodl.), 
CLXXX. 99-107. Mine. Maintenon indicated that every one at court ap- 
proved of the venture before the king did. Atkinson, Ralph Thoresby, the 
Topographer, II. 25. 

4Wyon, II. 17; Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 28892, ff. 220, 303. Marl- 
borough and Godolphin may have been intriguing with the Pretender. 
Macpherson, I. 695. 



318 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Scotland. The greatest secrecy was used in the prepara- 
tion of the expedition. Even the Pretender himself was 
ignorant of its objective until he was on his way to the 
ship that was to carry him across the Channel. And 
if the English did get word of the expedition, the defense 
of the island would fall upon the Admiralty, which as 
usual, was the most criticized branch of English admin- 
istration! An unforeseen accident aided the English 
naval authorities. As the Dunkirk force was ready to 
weigh anchor, the Chevalier contracted the measles. 1 A 
messenger was sent at once to the French king, asking for 
new instructions. This took time and in the meanwhile 
the English ministry received news of the expedition 
and preparations were made to meet it. Byng imme- 
diately set out with forty sail to find Fourbin, who, fav- 
ored both by wind and tide, was well ahead of the Eng- 
lish admiral, and soon arrived off Edinburgh. Greatly 
to his consternation, the Scots showed no disposition 
to welcome him, much less to fight the English. 2 Fourbin, 
discouraged by such pusillanimity, put back into a French 
port, despite the Pretender's entreaties, without striking 
a blow, and with the loss of but one vessel. 3 The attempt 
was an ignominious failure, the Pretender was made the 
laughing-stock of Europe, and no more expeditions of 
the kind troubled England during Anne's reign. 

However, there was a time when the English financiers 

i Coxe Papers, XIII. 263, XXIV. 50, 94. The government had ample 
warning of the expedition. Portl. MSS., VIII. 313; Luttrell, VI. 274-9; 
Manchester, Court and Society, II. 297; P. C. Reg., LXXXII. 5-14. 

2 Defoe said that Scotland was not entirely hostile. Review, V. 6. See 
also J. Oldmixon, supra cit., pp. 218-24. Berwick said that the Scots waited 
impatiently for the landing of the Pretender. Memoires, II. 54-6. Lock- 
hart's comment is among the best. Lockhart Papers, I. 375, sq. 

3 Hearne, II. 100; S. P. Dom., Anne, IX. 81. To account satisfactorily 
for Fourbin 's actions is perhaps impossible. Some have maintained that 
the whole affair was to dupe the Stuart prince, but this is hardly tenable, 
as things went too far for the French fleet, under ordinary conditions, to 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 319 

were not smiling over the Scottish invasion, which at the 
outset augured better for success than either the expe- 
dition of 1715 or that of 1745. The effect upon English 
finance was out of all proportion to Fourbin's actual 
achievements. It is difficult to account for the slump of 
fifteen per cent in the price of securities. 1 During the 
uncertainty as to the outcome of the expedition, the stock 
of the East India Company dropped from 108 to 99. A 
run on the Bank of England placed the government in a 
quandary, since nearly a half of its capital had been 
advanced on the security of exchequer bills, and there was 
little left in the bank with which to pay its creditors. 

The ministry acted with praiseworthy promptness. 
Anne informed the creditors that six per cent, instead of 
three per cent, would be paid on all bank bills for the 
following six months, and that all the money available in 
the exchequer would be turned over to the directors of 
the bank, if they wished it. A number of wealthy nobles, 
including Marlborough, Somerset, and Newcastle, rallied 
to the support of that institution, 2 which was destined to 
become the bulwark of English credit. The governing 
body of the bank was thankful for these promises of aid, 
but they accepted no outside help, contenting themselves 
with asking permission to double their capital stock, 
which request was no sooner granted than the subscrip- 
tions were filled. 3 All danger of a panic passed away 

have reached France in safety. It was probably due to jealousy existing 
among officials in the French navy. Macpherson, II. 116; Memoires de 
St. Simon, XV. 414; Michael, Eng. Gesch., I. 245. 

i A. Andreades, Hist, of Bank of Eng., p. 120. The only reasonable sup- 
position is that there was a real fear of a change of dynasty. It was felt 
that if the Pretender succeeded in landing, the bank would be ruined. 
Macpherson, II. 165; Luttrell, VI. 297; An Account of the late Scotch 
Invasion, p. 5. 

2 Chamberlen, 289; Tindal, IV. 544; Andreades, op. cit., 121; Lecky, I. 
199. 

aDayrolles Papers, Add. MSS., 15866, f. 101. Henry Boyle cited this 



320 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

upon the arrival of information that the Pretender had 
landed in France. The resentment of the monied classes 
against the Jacobites was greater than ever, and caused 
them for some years to cling still closer to the Whigs. 
Other effects of this attempted invasion may be briefly 
noted. The Admiralty had been in particularly poor 
repute, and the criticisms of Prince George and his 
adviser, Admiral George Churchill, were as pointed as 
they were plentiful, on account of the latter 's particular 
talent for getting himself embroiled with colleagues and 
enemies alike. 1 He kept Godolphin and Marlborough on 
tenter-hooks all the time, and only Anne's interposition, 
doubtless at the suggestion of her consort, prevented his 
being dropped from the list of admirals. Yet, the move- 
ment against him was gradually gaining, when Byng's 
success against Fourbin increased the prestige of the 
Admiralty and temporarily postponed all attacks upon 
him. 2 The failure of the Scottish expedition also made 
Anne more popular than ever, a fact which the members 
of the junto were not likely to view with any great degree 
of complacency, even though it increased their own 
strength by making the Tories of Jacobite proclivities 
odious to both nation and queen. 3 As a consequence, the 
junto's demands were more incessant than ever to dis- 
place all the "War" Tories, with whom Anne was so 
reluctant to part. The year 1708 is one of continuous 
political strife by Marlborough and the lord treasurer 

subscription as evidence that the English were not excited over the invasion. 
It took only four hours to fill the subscription, and £1,000,000 was carried 
back by those who wished to invest. Impartial View, p. 139; Burnet, V. 410. 
i Coxe Papers, XLI. 96. 

2 lb., XXV. 129. Some maintained that the temporary success of the 
expedition was due to ministerial mismanagement. See the Examiner, II. 36. 

3 A pamphlet, Vox Populi, contains many loyal addresses from Somerset, 
Kent, and other counties. See also Defoe, Review, V. 37-44; Clarke and 
Foxcroft, Burnet, p. 433; Journal de Bangeau, XII. 111. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 321 

against the Whigs on the one hand and Queen Anne on 
the other. 

The war itself was filled with political importance. 
Although English patriotism was sufficient to cause an 
ever increasing appropriation for its prosecution, the 
Tories continually criticized the emphasis placed by 
the duke upon the Flemish campaigns. Such men as 
Eochester reluctantly consented to England's participa- 
tion in the Continental war. They made the most of the 
quarrel between Galway and the Earl of Peterborough, 
who succeeded him as general in the peninsula, over the 
responsibility for the defeat at Almanza, and assisted by 
the moderates, who had been expelled from the ministry, 
they insisted that Spain should assume the principal role 
in the succeeding campaigns. Such moves aroused the 
resentment of Marlborough and Godolphin against the 
Highfliers, who were already discredited by the Pre- 
tender's expedition, and made a closer alliance with the 
Whigs inevitable. Moreover, the votes in parliament 
proved to the ministry how narrow was their majority, 
even with the co-operation of the junto, the members of 
which now knew to a certainty that they held the whip 
hand in politics. 1 

Anne's attitude and the Tory opposition aroused the 
fears of the Dutch lest England should withdraw some of 
her support from the duke in Flanders. Men in the army 
felt the effect of these floating rumors. An officer sta- 
tioned at Ghent wrote: "We have been a little alarmed 
at the struggles of your parties at court. I pray God 

i Manchester, Court and Society, II. 292; Coxe Papers, XIII. 214. On 
the question of the mismanagement of Spanish affairs, the ministry had a 
margin of 55 votes, but on a statute relating to cathedral churches they 
could muster only about half that majority. Cf. Dayrolles Papers, Add. 
MSS., 15866, f. 100. On the question of raising recruits, the vote was 185 
to 177; on the deliverance from the Scottish invasion, 180 to 70. Coxe 
Papers, XIII. 222; Wentworth Papers, p. 78. 



322 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

give us a good British Parliament the next we have, for 
all depends on that. I shall never be persuaded that, if 
it be true, that there was a design to lay the Duke . . . 
and . . . Treasurer aside, that those who designed 
that could mean well or be real friends to the present 
Government. . . . There are no men free of faults, but 
I do not believe any man living at this time could be put 
in . . . Marlborough's place, but would prove fatal to 
Britain, and to the interest of the Protestant religion. 
Nor do I think any man can come in his place that can 
be either more sincere or zealous to bring the war to a 
speedy and a happy conclusion." 1 The duke was not 
desirous of prolonging the war for the honor he could get 
out of it, because he was anxious to return to private life, 
as political administration was becoming extremely diffi- 
cult. Under no circumstances, however, was he willing to 
end the war upon any terms that might suit Louis XIV s 
caprice. In that sentiment, the queen sided with him. 
Marlborough opposed the proposed basis of peace, and 
wrote her to that effect early in 1708. ' ' I am intirely of 
your opinion thinking it neither for my honour nor inter- 
est," she replied, "and do assure you, whatever insinua- 
tions my enemies may make to the contrary, I shall never 
at any time give my consent to a peace, but upon honour- 
able terms." She added the significant warning, "Be 
so just to me as not to let any misrepresentation that may 
be made of 17 [queen] have any weight with 40 [Marl- 
borough]." 2 

The duke may have heeded her last injunction for the 
time, but even that is open to doubt, as he knew that 
Anne was sometimes too diplomatic to speak the entire 
truth. At any rate, it was not long before he once more 

i Portl. MSS., IV. 487, 497. 

2 Marlb. MSS., p. 52. A week later Anne wrote again to the same effect. 
Conduct, p. 215. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 323 

mistrusted her attitude towards foreign affairs, 1 and this 
is also shown by the urgent demands of his wife, Sunder- 
land, and Godolphin that he hasten back to England, to 
assist in bringing the queen to realize that she must 
depend on the Whigs, or incur the wrath of the Tories 
and a disgraceful peace. 2 It boded ill for his colleagues 
that he was unable to return at that time. Not only was it 
impolitic to leave his army in Flanders, when the Dutch 
were already questioning his good intentions, but affairs 
at Hanover also demanded his presence. 

The elector had commanded a part of the allied army so 
successfully the previous year that he now dreamed of 
emulating Caesar or Alexander. For obvious reasons, 
neither the duke nor Prince Eugene had sufficiently 
exalted ideas of his military genius to take seriously his 
request for a command, and he was not even invited to 
the council of war which planned the next campaign. 3 
His dignity was touched by this oversight, and it required 
a diplomat of Marlborough's calibre to soothe his 
wounded feelings, a matter of imperative importance, 
because the elector not only had the disposal of a large 
number of troops, of which the allies stood in direct 
need, but he was an heir to the English throne. The 
duke's stay in Hanover was exceedingly brief, but it 
seems to have been fruitful, as we hear no more of the 
elector's opposition. 

In England, in the meantime, the efforts of Godolphin 
and his supporters to gain Anne's support were far from 

i"I do not expect good nature or justice from 42 [queen]. You will 
be pleased to communicate my letter to Lady Marlborough, for I've no time 
to copy it." He believed that Anne would accept 81 [peace] rather than 
lose 39 [Marlborough] as general. Coxe Papers, XIII. 216. 

2 Coxe, II. 209-16. Various letters of Godolphin, Sunderland, and the 
Marlboroughs. 

s Wyon, II. 37; Lediard, Marlb. II. 11. See also the duke's letter to 
Godolphin, 3 May. Coxe, II. 215. The elector neither forgot nor forgave 



324 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

successful. Military and dynastic affairs were bound up 
with a new project for bringing over the electoral prince, 
a move as unpopular in the queen's eyes as that of two 
years previous in favor of Sophia. The duke was involved 
in this plan, hoping that he might convince Anne of its 
advisability, since he would gain thereby the support of 
the Hanoverian family. "Information has come from 
Hanover, that the . . . Prince is to make the campaign 
under Marlborough," wrote Erasmus Lewis to Harley. 
"I am further told that the Duke will next winter bring 
him or his grandmother over hither, in such a manner 
that they shall have obligation neither to the Whigs or 
Tories but entirely to himself and the Lord Treasurer." 1 
Anne was ignorant of these schemes, but the electress 
was not, and lauded the duke to the skies for his kind- 
ness, although she was perfectly aware that neither the 
queen nor either of the parties had taken cognizance of 
the matter. 2 The Whigs were certainly alarmed lest by 
subterfuge the duke might gain his freedom from the 
thraldom they imposed upon him. Anne must have been 
thoroughly frightened when Lord Haversham quietly told 
her that the "invitation" would be shortly renewed in a 
much more dangerous form. 3 She opposed the plan so 

this slight. When he became king Marlborough received no exceptional 
favors. In February, 1708, Wharton had suggested that the elector might 
succeed the duke as commander-in-chief, if the latter resigned. Lecky, 
I. 154. 

iPortl. MSS., IV. 490. See also Bagot MSS. (H. M. C), p. 341; S. P. 
Dom., Anne, XXV. 245. "You judge very right of the Queen," he said, 
"that nothing will go near her heart as the invitation. I think the project 
very dangerous; I wish the Whigs would think well of it, but I am at too 
great a distance to be advising. ' ' Marlborough to Godolphin, Coxe, II. 288. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 491. Lewis to Harley. 

s Anne laid down the law about the ' ' invitation. ' ' Speaking of Haver- 
sham 's conversation with her, she wrote to Marlborough, "I told him I 
was sensible that this was a thing talked of, to asperse your reputations . . . 
but if this matter should be brought into parliament, whoever proposed it, 
whether Whig or Tory, I should look upon neither of them as my friends." 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 325 

vigorously that it was not formally brought to the 
attention of parliament. 

While the composite ministry were worrying over dip- 
lomatic and dynastic difficulties, the junto was putting 
its house in order preparatory to increasing the pressure 
upon the queen. When Harley resigned, three of his inti- 
mate friends also retired. 1 Robert Walpole succeeded St. 
John as secretary at war, Mansell was displaced by the 
Earl of Cholmondeley as comptroller of the household, 
but Harcourt's resignation as attorney-general left a 
vacancy which the ministry was unable to fill. The junto 
was determined to place in this position Sir James Mon- 
tagu, a brother of Halifax, but Anne saw clearly that such 
an appointment would mark an extension of Whig influ- 
ence in her administration, so she refused to permit it. 
Never had Godolphin been so exasperated with her. He 
was so angry that expression, spoken or written, seemed 
alike impossible. In an interview, Anne was inflexible, 
and it "ended with the greatest dissatisfaction possible 
to both. They had had of late many great contests, as I 
am told, upon the subject of 4's [Halifax] brother, . . . 
but without any ground gained on either side. This day 
it held longer than usual . . . [her] obstinacy was unac- 
countable, and the battle might have lasted until mid- 
night, if after the clock had struck three, the Prince of 
Denmark had not thought fit to come in and look as if 
he thought it were dinner-time." 2 And it was not alone 
in this one instance that Anne succeeded. Atterbury, one 
of Harley 's closest friends, and a Tory of the most pro- 

Marlb. MSS., p. 42. Lewis said she was ill, and suggested that it might 
have been due to the new move towards Hanover. Portl. MSS., IV. 491. 

i Their resignations show something of ministerial unity, although the 
intrigues of St. John and Harcourt had rendered their places insecure. 
Nevertheless they resigned and were not dismissed. 

2 Priv. Cor., II. 242. This interruption may not have been accidental. 
Coxe, II. 218. 



326 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

nounced High Church views, remained as the queen's 
chaplain and must have been a thorn in the flesh to the 
Whigs. He was decidedly useful to Anne and Harley, 
who also had the valuable aid of Mrs. Masham. With 
such support, the queen was able to do much, even though 
the active Whigs 1 and the monied interests were against 
her policies. 

However important these two appointments may be for 
us in deciding whether or not Anne really did any of her 
own thinking, the facts in the case of the junto 's attempt 
to force another of its number into the inner cabinet to 
keep company with Sunderland are of greater conse- 
quence. This time, the junto used a great deal of cir- 
cumspection in choosing its candidate, and selected 
Somers, the most moderate, and probably the greatest of 
the group, for the presidency of the council. Unques- 
tionably he was most thoroughly equipped for the place, 
but there remained two objections to his candidacy: he 
was one of the Whigs whom Anne detested, and the posi- 
tion was already being filled most acceptably by the Earl 
of Pembroke. 

For the members of the junto, this demand was a part 
and parcel of their plan, if not in truth the keystone of it, 
and shows the importance that was now being attached to 
a place in the cabinet council. 2 They practically made 
the demand a party measure, and for eight months, the 
bitterest kind of a struggle ensued. After Harley 's resig- 
nation, the two remaining ''triumvirs" demanded the 
right to determine all appointments, whether civil or 
ecclesiastical. For a time, the queen acquiesced, but both 
ministers soon realized that they did not enjoy her full 

i The wife of Bishop Burnet insisted that if Anne had not given in when 
she did, most of the bishops would have supported the ministry. Coxe, 
II. 195. 

2 Anson, Laiv and Custom (3d ed.), II. 94. Cf. Lecky, I. 430. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 327 

confidence. 1 Still the ministry stood between and above 
political parties 2 and without Harley found it increas- 
ingly difficult to keep in touch with popular opinion. 
Instead of being ground between the Whigs and Tories, 
they were in the predicament of attempting to force upon 
the sovereign an individual whom she did not desire, in 
order that they might retain Whig support. The Tories 
were no longer a political force, their old leaders were 
now discredited, and it remained for the organizing 
genius of Harley, combined with the gravest political 
errors of the junto, to lead them to victory. 

Soon after the vacant places in the ministry were filled, 
the queen was asked to make Somers lord president. 
With her prompt refusal, the contest began, which really 
divided itself into three parts. The first phase came 
prior to the election; the second was the election itself, 
which may be considered a struggle by the junto to place 
Somers in the council; and the third occurred after the 
results of the election were apparent. 

The junto was supported in its demands by such influ- 
ential men as the powerful dukes of Devonshire, Somer- 
set, and Newcastle, as well as by Cowper, who, together 
with Newcastle, had gained much favor in Anne's sight. 
Such co-operation among the political leaders had no 
effect upon her, for she knew that if Somers were 
admitted to the cabinet, it would be only a question of 
time until the spiteful, licentious Wharton would also 
gain a seat. 3 In addition to his character, ability, and 

i Burnet, V. 355; Conduct, p. 213; Paul, Queen Anne (Goupil ed.), p. 40. 

2 Lockhart Papers, I. 295. 

3 Ball, Cor. of Swift, I. 85; Mahon, I. 195. Shrewsbury was mentioned 
for the place. Manchester MSS. (H. M. C), p. 97. Somers had been fre- 
quently suggested as leading minister, and he always had hopes in that 
direction, but he seems to have been too simple-minded to succeed in 
eighteenth century politics. Nottingham Papers, Add. MSS., 29589, f. 185. 
See also Hearne, I. 313. 



328 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

such backing, Somers enjoyed the friendship of the Marl- 
boroughs. It is more than probable that the duke's 
objections to any other member of the junto would have 
prevented the mention of his name to the queen. With 
his aid, however, Godolphin was willing to support 
Somers and his Whig colleagues. When the original 
scheme to oust Pembroke had failed, 1 Marlborough was 
urgently requested to hurry back to London, if only for 
a single interview with Anne. He was unable to leave 
pressing diplomatic affairs, so the lord treasurer was 
left to fight his battles with the queen alone. 

To Godolphin 's surprise, he discovered that Anne had 
a new ally, in the person of her husband. ' ' I really believe 
this humour," he wrote, " proceeds more from her hus- 
band than from herself, and in him it is very much kept 
up by your brother George, who seemed to me as wrong 
as possible when I spoke to him." 2 With these allies, in 
addition to the disgruntled, intriguing Harley and the 
omnipresent Mrs. Masham, the queen was more deter- 
mined than ever to stand out against the junto. 

To meet this unforeseen situation, the Whig leaders 
decided to surprise Anne with a new proposal. With no 
previous intimation of their purpose, they sent Newcastle 
and Devonshire to her to urge the case of Somers. She 
naturally expected the original proposal, and absolutely 
refused to reconsider her decision. Then they suddenly 
suggested that she allow Somers to join the council, with- 
out any post in the ministry. They expected to catch 
Anne off her guard, as she never had been noted for quick 
thinking, but in this they were disappointed. She first 
suggested that such a move was unusual, but when they 
countered by showing instances where it had actually 
been done, she closed the discussion by assuring them 

i Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34518, f. 44; Coxe, II. 239-21. 
2 Coxe, II. 218. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 329 

that she "thought the 'Cabinet Council' was full enough 
already." The next morning she sent an urgent call for 
Godolphin, demanding that he give her his views on the 
question; and when he sided with the Whig nobles, she 
told him that she would write the duke immediately to 
enlist his support. 

Her letter shows not only a strong determination to 
resist the Whig oligarchy, but at the same time, a decided 
yearning also for sympathy and support, because, like the 
duke himself, she preferred the quiet of domestic life to 
the stress and strain of political strife. Like all the 
Stuarts, she was lazy and never exerted herself when 
matters went as she wished. "Their arguments did not 
at all convince me of the reasonableness nor the propriety 
of the thing," she wrote, "that I . . . had no thoughts 
of employing any but those that served me well in Parlia- 
ment . . . and would countenance all that served me 
faithfully, [but] looking upon it as the utter destruction 
to me to bring Lord Somers into my service. And I hope 
you will not join in soliciting me in this thing, though 
Lord Treasurer tells me you will, for it is what I can 
never consent to." 1 Marlborough's reply was scarcely 
reassuring. He called her attention to the great efforts 
already being made by the Tories to make her believe 
they would carry the next election. Such a claim was 
absolutely nonsensical, he insisted, because the Scottish 
expedition had brought them under the suspicion of 
treason. If she favored them in the election (which she 
could not help doing by opposing Somers) it would prove 
to the world that both Godolphin and himself had lost all 
influence with her. The day before, he had written his 
colleagues that he despaired of having any effect upon the 
queen's mind, "for if she be obstinate, I think it is a plain 
declaration to all the world that you and I have no credit, 

i Coxe, II. 219-20. 



330 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

and that all is governed underhand by Mr. Harley and 
Mrs. Masham." 1 

While Anne waited for Marlborough's letter to arrive, 
the junto and Godolphin were moving heaven and earth 
to make her change her decision, but their outlook was 
discouraging as to both Somers and Montagu. Although 
all the Whigs who could gain access to the queen waited 
upon her to add their influence, the lord treasurer had to 
report his repeated failures. 2 The architect, Vanbrugh, 
observed that affairs were in "an odd way at court; all 
the interest of the Lord Treasurer and Lady Marl- 
borough, backed by every man in the cabinet can [not] 
prevail with the Queen to admit my Lord Somers into 
anything not so much as to make him attorney general. 
She answers little to them, but stands firm against all 
they say." 3 The duchess tried her best, but she was 
equally pessimistic. Secretary Boyle received a letter 
from Marlborough which he was to deliver to Anne, but 
being called away, he asked Godolphin to do it for him. 
Upon receiving the letter, "she laid it down upon her 
table, and would not open it while I stayed in the room, 
by which I am afraid it is not like to have any more effect 
than some other representations of the same kind have 
had from [me]." 4 

The duke was now thoroughly depressed, for he be- 
lieved that no ordinary means could move Anne to admit 
Somers into her cabinet, so the "Whigs must be angry 
and consequently 38 [Godolphin] and 39 [Marlborough] 
not only are uneasy, but unsafe. All this 39 could bare if 
he could be so happy as to gain the love and estime of 270 

i Coxe, II. 220. 

2Coxe Papers, XXIV. 210; Coxe, II. 222. 
sColville, p. 198. 

4 Godolphin to the duke. Coxe, II. 223. See also Coxe Papers, XXIV. 
200, XXV. 1. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 331 

[Anne]." 1 Godolphin continued to write that Anne 
remained firm, and at last, both he and the junto, although 
they did not cease to importune, began to look towards 
the elections as the only hope of gaining any relief from 
her ''tyranny." 2 As a last resort, before plunging into 
the intricacies of the election, the Whigs intimated that 
in the autumn they would again move that the "invita- 
tion" be reopened. It was a foolish step, for until the 
elections were over, it would be only an idle threat ; if the 
Whigs failed at the polls, it could never become anything 
more. In other words, the junto must win by a substan- 
tial margin, if it was to be able to coerce the queen. But it 
had no monopoly of this idea, for Harley was equally well 
informed, and made his plans accordingly. 

In a sense, then, the canvass was a struggle of Anne 
and Harley against the ministry and junto. Both sides 
made early preparations for this election, which must 
come before the close of 1708. Harley and his agents 
were exceedingly active long before he ceased to be sec- 
retary, 3 and it is probable that his industry along these 
lines had increased the suspicions of his colleagues, who 
brought about his disgrace before he could mature plans 
for the new election. If his opponents expected to lessen 
Harley 's activity, 4 they were mistaken, although Greg's 
treason certainly did diminish his influence. Harley 
began to make ready early in 1707, and probably con- 

i Marlborough to his wife. Coxe Papers, XXIV. 161. Some students 
believe that this letter was written to Anne. The cipher here is most 
difficult. 

2Lansdowne MSS. (B. M.), 1236, f. 234; Coxe Papers, XXIV. 186. 

zPortl. MSS., IV. 437. For the general activity, see Defoe's Beview, V., 
and Conduct of Parties; Coxe, II. 226; Kenyon MSS. (H. M. C), p. 442; 
Ellis Papers, Add. MSS., 2S893, ff. 241, 278, 322, 329; Other Side, pp. 
380-2. 

* It is strange that after the election was in full sway Marlborough began 
to doubt whether Harley and Mrs. Masham had been implicated in the 
opposition to Somers. Coxe Papers, XXIV. 199. 



332 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

trolled the elections in Wales and western England. 1 
After receiving a letter from Tewkesbury, Harley decided 
to seek William Penn's aid in influencing the Quaker 
vote. 2 Only a month before his resignation St. John 
bewailed the fact that he was unable to find a borough 
where he could be sure of a return, and asked the secre- 
tary to render such help as he could. 3 Even after Febru- 
ary, 1708, Harley continued to be active, and sought with 
some success to secure Shrewsbury's support. 4 In the 
rotten borough of Tregony he busied himself, while at 
Abington his influence was conspicuous, 5 although he was 
unable to keep the election out of the House of Commons. 

It was well that Harley and St. John had been most 
diligent, for neither Godolphin nor the junto spared 
effort or money in endeavoring to defeat the Tory can- 
didates. Fully as well as the Marlboroughs, they real- 
ized that the ministry's existence, and probably the con- 
tinuation of the war, depended upon their efforts. Scot- 
land's fortune, too, lay in the balance, for a Tory victory 
would probably mean a disruption of the union, which 
had been brought about with such great difficulty. After 
the dissolution of parliament, the junto and Godolphin 
entered into a close agreement to carry the poll. 6 

The industry of Harley and his followers was now 
greater than ever, although they found, to their dismay, 
that Marlborough was not at all remiss in his political 
duties, 7 since he had heard that Harley was thoroughly 

iPortl. MSS., IV. 329, 454. Harley 's influence in this part of England 
was based upon his control of official appointments. lb., TV. 386, sq. ; 
Bath MSS., I. 171. 

zPortl. MSS., IV. 461. 

3 St. John had looked into matters at Cricklade, Devizes, and Westbury. 

*Bath MSS., I. 190-1; Buccleiigh MSS. (H. M. C), II., Pt. ii. 720. 

sRoscoe, Harley, p. 13; Portl. MSS., IV. 517. Cf. Macknight, Boling- 
broke, p. 124. 

6 Lockhart Papers, I. 293-5. 

7 Hearne, II. 2-3, 400. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 333 

organizing his campaign. Harley's kinsman, Thomas 
Foley, was very active, and much worried over his chance 
in Hereford, because he feared the effect of the great 
amount of money being spent by his opponent, as well as 
the vigorous opposition of the Jacobites. 1 

Bribery played a large part in deciding some of the 
elections in 1708. Explicit charges of its use were made 
in petitions involving twenty-two seats. 2 One politician 
thought a large sum would be required to carry the 
election in Devizes, and his statement well illustrates 
the political methods then current. He asserted that if 
£500 should be judiciously employed in buying up one of 
the twenty-four councilmen, it would enable "Mr. 
Child . . . [to] elect a Mayor and as many burgesses, 
living in and out of the borough, as they please, and by 
that means secure the election of members to serve in 
Parliament forever. ' ' To this politician, the chief merit 
of the plan lay in the fact that the £500 "will not be 
bribery within the power of the House of Commons, it 
being only to elect a mayor. ' ' 3 Outright bribery was not 
as common as in 1705, although there are a few interest- 
ing cases. At Shrewsbury, two of the candidates ordered 
two thousand pairs of shoes, with the implication that 
they would be paid for if the shoemakers voted for them. 
At the same place, other electors were promised loans out 
of the borough treasury, without interest, for their votes, 
and charity funds were used to influence the election. 4 

iPriv. Cor., II. 254; Portl. MSS., IV. 437, 483-7. 

2 C. J., XVI. 9-389, passim. 

3 Portl. MSS., IV. 486. See also C. J., XVI. 22, 436. Bobert Pitt, mem- 
ber for Old Sarum, reported that Clarendon Park, which controlled the 
borough elections of Christchurch, was for sale at the neat price of £35,000. 
Fortescue MSS. (H. M. C), I. 34. 

4 C. J., XVI. 212, 247. At Wallingford there appeared to be no end of 
petty bribery. lb., XVI. 129, 242. 



334 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Bribery was extensive at Cambridge, and the Commons 
overruled the decision of the committee on elections. 1 

The poll at Thetford was a mere mercantile transaction, 
where among the magistrates, fifty guineas was the cus- 
tomary price. "One Mr. Baylis, a stranger, was their 
last chapman [purchaser], to whom they have sould 
themselves much dearer ; for it hath cost him £3,000 to get 
a return from thence for the next Parliament, and that is 
but a litigious one, for Sir John Woodhouse will be 
petitioner against him." 2 

At Camelford the sitting member offered to spend 
£300 on the election and as much as £20 was offered for 
a single vote. Not only were the voters bribed, but the 
witnesses who were to appear before the committee of 
the house were tampered with. 3 "Treating," however, 
was the most usual form of bribery. At New Shoreham, 
"five days before the election, . . . above 30 strangers 
came . . . and spent great sums of money upon the 
election." Indeed, the majority of the publicans of the 
borough received from the sitting member at least £5 
apiece for general entertainment, but the House decided 
in his favor on the technical ground that the treating had 
occurred before the "teste of the writ." 4 In fact, the 
whole spirit of the election seemed to have been to cir- 
cumvent the plain intent of the laws passed against elec- 
toral corruptions during the previous twelve years. 5 

Elections throughout the realm were not as tempestu- 

i C. J., XVI. 300-4. 

2 E. M. Thompson, Letters of Prideaux, p. 200. C. J. (XV. 21) names 
the four candidates and Woodhouse 's name is not among them. Return of 
the Members of Parliament (II. 12) does not mention him. See also 
J. Hervey, Letter Books, I. 234. £50 was paid for a single vote at Ludger- 
hall. Ailesoury MSS. (H. M. C.), p. 201. 

s C. J., XVI. 274. For the St. Ives election, see C. J., XVI. 15. 

* lb., XVI. 53, 263. 

5 Defoe, Review, V. 38, 42, 63-4, 69-70, 118, 142. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 335 

ous as three years before, though definite charges of vio- 
lence were presented in cases involving the right to nine 
seats. At Leominster the petitioner complained that the 
agents of his rival, Edward Harley, "behaved themselves 
in so rude and violent a manner, ... to those who came 
to vote for the petitioner, that it appeared a sedition, 
rather than an election." 1 The usual election trickery, 
such as changing the date of the poll or making "faggot" 
voters was much resorted to by both Whigs and Tories. 2 
The outcome of the contest was for a long time doubt- 
ful, but the heats of the previous and succeeding elections 
were lacking. Lewis scarcely knew what to think about 
the pollings after they had been in progress a month, 
although he was aware that the Whigs expected to use 
the controverted elections as a means of strengthening 
a somewhat precarious hold upon the majority in the 
Commons. 3 Granville wrote that since the elections in 
which he had influence had not all gone as he desired, he 
should be unable to do anything for St. John, in whose 
behalf Harley never ceased to labor until he had found 
him a seat. 4 Early in the elections, Godolphin felt that 
with the Whig support, his party was sure to win. "The 
generality of them are as good as can be desired," he 
noted, "and there is little reason to doubt but the next 
Parliament will be well inclined to support the war . . . 
Mrs. Morley continues to be very inflexible. I still think 

i C. J., XVI. 14. Nevertheless, the petition was withdrawn. lb., XVI. 
138. For other examples of violence, see Hearne, I. 336. S. P. Dom., Anne 
(IX. 100), contains an account of the Guildford election. 

2 See C. J., XVI. 15, 22, 52, 55, 67, 93, 108. A Boyer, Political State, 
II. 604; Portl MSS., IV. 489, 517; Coke MSS., III. 81. 

3 Add. MSS., 4743, ff. 93-5; Newcastle Papers, Add. MSS., 33084, f. 
177. The London election was close. Luttrell, VI. 302-4. 

* Portl. MSS., IV. 489. St. John's candidacy aroused a great deal of 
interest among the moderate Tories. The clergy were enlisted in St. John 's 
behalf before the matter was concluded, and Atterbury's letters show that 
the laity had no monoply of election tricks. lb., 490-501, passim. 



336 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

that must alter. My only fear is that it will be too late. 1 
The lord treasurer probably felt that Anne would con- 
sent to nominate Somers after the election, but he feared 
that then it would be too late to influence favorably the 
rather shaky condition of internal affairs. At any rate, 
he went ahead with his election activities and was ably 
seconded by Marlborough, who took a conspicuous part 
in the Banbury election. 2 Sunderland worked with them, 
and felt even more confident of the result than either, 
although he was pessimistic about the use Godolphin 
would make of the victory. ' ' Our elections go on hitherto 
very prosperously," he confided to Marlborough, "and 
there is no reason to doubt but we [have] a very good 
Parliament, but if the court go on in the way they are, it 
will be much alike whatever Parliament is chosen." 3 

Sunderland did his most daring work in Scotland, 
where the Whigs were too weak to carry the election of 
peers without Tory aid. After the Pretender's failure, a 
goodly number of Scots had been imprisoned under sus- 
picion of treason, among the most important of whom 
was the Duke of Hamilton. To gain his support in the 
Scottish elections, Hamilton was liberated through 
Sunderland's aid, and at once began canvassing among 
his Scottish friends in behalf of the Whigs. The means 
employed were, even for those days, somewhat summary, 
and there was a complaint of ' ' such influence used against 
us by great folks at London, that a great many of our 
old friends, and who are in the Queen's service, were 
frightened from us, so that it was a wonder we carried so 
many [peers]." 4 Sunderland's methods, in general, 

i Coxe Papers, XXIV. 178. See also Burnet, V. 369; Priv. Cor., I. 123. 

2 Hearne, II. 2. Their candidate was defeated. lb., I. 400. Py. Hist., 
VI. 745. 

s Coxe Papers, XXIV. 167. 

4 Priv. Cor., II. 269. The Earl of Mar to Marlborough. Hamilton 's first 
wife was Sunderland's sister. Coxe, II. 229, 231. See also Portl. MSS., 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 337 

were too crude to please Anne, who reminded Godolphin 
of his assurance that Sunderland should resign when his 
conduct ceased to satisfy her. Nevertheless the plans of 
the junto had the merit of succeeding, 1 both in the Lords, 
to which Scotland elected twenty-eight members, and in 
the lower house, where its contribution was forty-five. 
Such results made the ministerial majority in the Com- 
mons secure. Hamilton said that they had seventy more 
votes than at the beginning of the last session, 2 a margin 
which was considerably augmented in ways best known 
to those who conducted the disputed elections. In decid- 
ing these contests the discovery was soon made that the 
balance of power was held by the Scottish members, who, 
true to their traditions, were seeking to make the most 
of their position. 3 

The first trial of strength between the ministers and the 
Tories came in the election of the speaker. Although 
there was not the same intensity of feeling as in 1705, the 
ministers breathed more freely when the voting was over. 
Harley had begun to prepare for this struggle months 
before, and the constant proroguing of parliament gave 
him sufficient time to organize his forces thoroughly. As 
the time for the meeting of parliament drew near, Harley 
seemed doubtful whom his opponents would name as 
their candidate. This is not to be marveled at, because 

II. 204; Priv. Cor., II. 243-68. When Sunderland found the difficulties in 
Scotland greater than he anticipated, he wrote the Scottish Whigs, ' ' bidding 
them not be bullied by the pretence of court interest, and the great names 
of the court party; for the Q*** could not support that faction long." 
Defoe, State of Parties, p. 25. 

iPriv. Cor., II. 268-9; Mahon (II. 91) did not think they gained such a 
decided success among the peers, but believed that the court had its way in 
a goodly number of cases. Cf. Coxe, II. 231-3. 

2 Coxe Papers, XXV. 8. The Earl of Manchester learned it was 44. 
Manchester MSS. (H. M. C), p. 99. 

3S. P. Dom., Anne, XXIV. 245; Coxe Papers, XXIV., XXV. passim. 
See also Lockhart Papers, I. 531, and Other Side, p. 380. 



338 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

the members of the junto were in a quandary themselves. 
The most prominent candidate, for a time, was Sir Peter 
King, who had a strong following. At first Anne refused 
to be a party to any selection, and allowed matters to go 
their way before she expressed her dislike of King 1 and 
her preference for Sir Thomas Hanmer. This made the 
junto uneasy, and its members preserved the greatest 
secrecy as to what they proposed to do. 2 Finally, after 
providing a place for King, they compromised with 
Godolphin by accepting Sir Richard Onslow as their 
candidate. 3 This move upset Harley's plans. He had 
expected a contest between King and Onslow, which 
would allow him to nominate Hanmer. 4 As it happened, 
however, a contest between Whigs and Tories never took 
place, for another critical situation arose which tem- 
porarily put an end to party struggles, and Onslow was 
chosen without difficulty. 

With the election of a speaker, the ministry gained 
another advantage over Harley and the queen. The 
latter, for a while, took no interest in public affairs, and 
the former carried on the unequal struggle alone. 
Already the ministry had made political capital out of 
Anne's indisposition, and now they pressed their advan- 
tages in the controverted elections. The corruption and 
irregularities of this election were large, as petitions 

i Anne disliked King because she suspected him of being active in moving 
the Admiralty investigations. Priv. Cor., I. 115-6. 

2 Bath MSS., I. 192. James, III. 366-7; Coxe Papers, XIII. 274-5. At 
first, Anne favored Bromley. Mahon, p. 373; Forth MSS., IV. 483. Both 
Bromley and Hanmer were speakers later in the reign. 

zMarlb. MSS., p. 35; Portl. MSS., IV. 505; Lansdowne MSS. (B. M.), 
1236, f. 244. See also Priv. Cor., I. 121. Nevertheless, a month later, Sun- 
derland wrote Newcastle "to speak or send Mr. Jessop about the matter of 
the speaker, to engage him for Sir Peter King." Lansdowne MSS., 1236, 
f. 242. 

4 Py. Hist., VI. 745. Harley may also have had Bromley in mind. Portl. 
MSS., IV. 483. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 339 

disputing the right to ninety seats were presented. 1 Yet 
these petitions were not as striking as in the elections of 
1705 and 1710. 2 The disputed election cases which arose, 
partly to settle the most notorious instances of bribery 
and partly to permit the ministry to increase appreciably 
its majority, were chiefly interesting because this was the 
first opportunity to test the new act, which required all 
persons accepting office under the crown to resign and 
stand for re-election. 

This law seems to have caused no great difference in 
the way politicians handled disputed elections. These 
controversies continued to be heard at the bar of the 
house, by vote of the majority, it is true, although it was 
some years before the practice became established. At 
the same time, the Commons decided to try a new method 
of balloting, which was in substance identical with that 
employed by many secret societies today. The voting 
was done by balls, which were carried around in a box to 
each member's desk. But the new method of voting, like 
the law on controverted elections, was found entirely too 
cumbersome for these enterprising eighteenth century 
politicians, and after consuming more than three quarters 
of an hour on one ballot, "it was found so very tedious 
and troublesome 'tis thought it will never be made use of 
again." 3 Even then the house disposed of controverted 
elections slowly, and except in the most flagrant cases, 
had little "regaird for law or justice, [in that] they 

i C. J., XVI. 9-389, passim. 

2 See, however, Portl. MSS., IV. 486-7, 513; Ailesbury MSS. (H. M. C), 
pp. 199-201. Cf. Defoe's Review, V.; Coxe Papers, XXVI. 148; Porritt, 
Unreformed House of Commons, I. 537-9. 

sDayrolles Papers, Add. MSS., 15863, f. 100; Coxe Papers, XIII. 247-9, 
258. It was first employed in the trial of the Ashburton election in 1706. 
Later it was suggested that they use it in electing the speaker, but Sir 
Peter King opposed it. Cf. XV. 577. Godolphin complained that by such 
a method, the house would spend half its time on controverted elections. 



340 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

turned out or brought in whom they pleased ; and thereby 
made up a certain majority in all events," 1 for they had 
to make their position safe against any future attacks by 
Anne and Harley. 

Among others whom the Whigs disqualified in trying 
the elections, was Harcourt. 2 Neither in this case nor in 
any of the others where a division occurred, was the vote 
sufficiently close or the attendance sufficiently large to 
judge of the relative strength of the two parties, 3 but the 
"partiality manifested in the decisions fully proved the 
ascendancy of the Whigs." 4 In eighteen cases, the peti- 
tioner won ; in fourteen, the sitting member was favored ; 
twenty remained undecided; eighteen were withdrawn, 
and five were declared void. So it is difficult to come to 
any decision as to the results of these controverted elec- 
tions or the reasons of the delay in hearing some petitions 
and of the failure to hear others. 

As a result of the new law, the number of by-elections 
was unusually large. Of the sixty-seven seats vacated, 
twenty-four were due to the resignation of members who 
had accepted office under the queen ; sixteen members had 
been elected for two constituencies, sixteen others had 
died, eight had been made peers and three elections had 
been declared void. Of the members who stood for 
re-election, only four failed to be returned at the by- 
elections. 

While the pollings were going on, the struggle over 
Somers continued. When the elections began, Anne stood 
resolute against all efforts to force Somers into the cabi- 
net. As his candidacy was one of the questions at issue, 

iLoclchart Papers, I. 297; Portl. MSS., IV. 513. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 518. 

3 The Cirencester election petitioner won 135 to 116. In the Shrewsbury- 
election, he won 127 to 85. Some of these contests occasionally went against 
the court. Portl. MSS., IV. 514; Hearne, I. 77. 

* Coxe, II. 376. Cf. Burnet, V. 396. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 341 

new developments might be expected as the canvass was 
being made. Indeed, the efforts of Somers's supporters 
suffered no cessation, for their greatest hope lay in wear- 
ing out the pertinacity of the queen. Marlborough, too, 
realizing that Godolphin was unable to cope with the 
situation alone, gave up all hopes of ruling by means of 
a bi-partisan ministry and was ready to throw himself 
into the hands of the junto. 1 Despite an informal agree- 
ment, the duke, while bitterly assailing the Tories, 2 never 
ceased to criticize the excessive demands of the Whig 
quintet. Unfortunately for his peace of mind, he con- 
tinued to be disturbed by the machinations of Whigs and 
Tories before he could return to look after political 
affairs in person. 

The queen was several times accused by both Godolphin 
and the junto of allowing Mrs. Masham to dictate her 
policies. Anne denied that she consulted either Harley 
or his cousin, so that the duchess and Godolphin believed 
that a mistake had been made and the wrong person 
accused. In seeking for the miscreant, the duchess and 
the junto concluded that the man was Admiral Churchill, 
working through Prince George, 3 and for a brief season 
they concentrated their attack upon him in an effort to 
force him to resign. The entire matter was most embar- 
rassing to one as sensitive as the duke, but he wrote a 
strong letter to his brother, appealing to his patriotism 

i It is asserted, on questionable authority, that Wharton held Godolphin 
in his power, through secrets which he possessed of the treasurer's in- 
trigues with St. Germain. Wharton MSS. (Bodl.), IV. 30. Priv. Cor., 
I. 120. His changed attitude was due to Harley 's activity in 1707. Godol- 
phin 's part in Scottish elections is indicated by a fragment of John Ker's 
' ' Secret Memoirs ' ' found in S. P. Dom., Anne, XXIV. 245. 

2 Marlb. MSS., p. 42. However much the duke may have been alienated 
from Harley, he received the election results from Lewis. Add. MSS., 4743, 
ff. 93-5. 

3 Godolphin to Marlborough. Coxe, II. 223. Marlborough and Godol- 
phin soon realized that Anne had deceived them. 



342 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

and emphasizing the danger of weakening the administra- 
tion at a critical time in the war. 1 Admiral Churchill 
proved only a little less obstinate than the queen; his 
brother's appeal availed little except to make him more 
uneasy, and increase his resentment. His proneness to 
gossip made matters worse. He repeated, presumably on 
the authority of Walpole, the secretary at war, that Har- 
ley had so far prevailed with Marlborough as to secure 
the appointment of a certain Colonel Jones as the head of 
a regiment. 2 This rumor created a suspicion among the 
Whigs that the duke was playing his usual game of deceit, 
(despite Walpole 's emphatic assurance that Churchill 
had manufactured the story out of the whole cloth), while 
it increased the sense of security enjoyed by the queen 
and her consort, rendering the former still more imper- 
vious to the lord treasurer's recommendations. 3 

By this time, the junto was becoming restless, and 
planning not only to rid themselves of Churchill but to 
force Prince George's resignation through an inquiry 
into the numerous miscarriages in the Admiralty. Should 
this plan succeed the position of the prince as lord high 
admiral would be available for Pembroke, who could thus 
vacate his offices of lord president and lord lieutenant of 
Ireland in the interest of Somers and Wharton respec- 
tively. 4 By this move they had all to gain and absolutely 
nothing to lose, since it was impossible to increase Anne's 
displeasure against the Whigs as a party and the junto 
as individuals. Sunderland was thoroughly alarmed by 
the queen's threat 5 to demand his resignation, because 

i Priv. Cor., I. 134. 

2 Godolphin to Marlborough. Coxe, II. 228. See also p. 285. 

3 Priv. Cor., II. 273. See also Coxe, II. 228. 

* A year and a half earlier, when Ormond ceased to be lord lieutenant, 
it was rumored that Pembroke would succeed him and relinquish the lord 
presidency to Somers. Hearne, II. 5. 

5 Sunderland was bitter for a time against Marlborough, but Mayn- 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 343 

of his activities in Scotland. Wharton, the most active 
politician of the junto, had been interviewed by her agent, 
and Halifax was wavering under the importunities of 
Harley, because his brother had not been appointed 
attorney-general. 1 Harley 's opposition had forced the 
Whigs to abandon Sir Peter King as their candidate for 
speaker, and choose one more to Anne's liking, so it was 
really a matter of self-preservation which led the junto 
to threaten Prince George unless the queen should give 
heed to their wishes. 

Harley 's intrigues were thus closely bound up with the 
queen's activities. Not only was he endeavoring to win 
over Halifax, the most wavering member of the junto, 
but he had made overtures to Shrewsbury, who, angry 
at the attitude of the ministry towards his romantic mar- 
riage to his Italian mistress, a Catholic, was ready under 
her influence to return to his early associations. The 
ladies at court looked askance at his new duchess, and 
Shrewsbury felt inclined to desert the scheming Whigs 
who had so little regard for his wife and were no longer 
willing to recognize his claims to office. 2 Through his 
co-operation, Harley saw an opportunity to form a coali- 
tion between the moderate Whigs and Tories, a plan 
which not only aroused the junto but thoroughly alarmed 
Marlborough and Godolphin. 3 

waring and Devonshire counseled moderation, since Anne was willing to 
wait for the duke's advice before taking the seals. Priv. Cor., I. 150-2. 

i This agent was Somerset, and his endeavors were unsuccessful. Mayn- 
waring reported that ' ' nobody could have . . . better pretensions to any 
employment than his Lordship [Wharton] and that he might command his 
services and good offices with the Queen, for whatever could be acceptable 
to him." Priv. Cor., I. 156. Harley endeavored throughout to keep on 
good terms with Halifax. Portl. MSS., IV. 490. 

2 Shrewsb. Cor., p. 663; Buccleugh MSS. (H. M. C.), II. Pt. ii. 720; Bath 
MSS., I. 191. Lady Marlborough had been trying to gain Shrewsbury for the 
ministry. Priv. Cor., I. 114-5. 

3 See Lewis's letter to Harley. Portl. MSS., IV. 490, and Marlb. MSS., 
p. 42. 



344 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

In the meantime, the former was forced to take cogni- 
zance of Sunderland's offensiveness and pleaded with 
Anne not to dismiss him. "For God's sake, Madam, con- 
sider that whatever may be said to amuse or delude you," 
he wrote, "it is utterly impossible for you to have more 
than a part of the Tories; and though you could have 
them all, their number is not capable of doing you good, 
no more than their inclination. ' n Neither this letter nor 
any of the many others from Marlborough shook her 
determination, and the attempt to alarm her by threaten- 
ing to bring over Sophia or the electoral prince had only 
a brief success, since she was becoming accustomed to 
these threats about Hanover. 

At the least suggestion of attacking the record of her 
husband, she was again galvanized into instant action. 2 
It was well for the Whig leaders that Providence was on 
their side. Prince George was very sick, and on account 
of his fondness for intoxicating liquors, it was certain 
that he could not live long. Anne, being a model of affec- 
tion and devotion, preferred to nurse him rather than 
to develop political schemes with Harley to circumvent 
the junto. Her own health, too, was suffering, while the 
duke 's influence increased because of his third great vic- 
tory at Oudenarde, the news of which reached England 

i Coxe, II. 215. 

2 Already Anne had written some pointed things to Marlborough about 
certain expressions he employed in a letter to Godolphin, which the latter 
gave her to read. Coxe, II. 281. A week earlier, she was not greatly dis- 
turbed by Marlborough's threat to resign at the close of the campaign, 
probably because she did not believe he meant it. Marlb. MSS., p. 42. 
Even in her letter of felicitation, Anne could not refrain from criticizing 
one of Marlborough's letters in which he said that victory would bring 
advantages to England, if she "would please make use of it." Anne 
answered sharply that she would "never make ill use of so great a bless- 
ing ... I shall be glad to know what use you would have me make of it, 
and then I will tell you my thoughts very freely and sincerely." Eeid, p. 
259. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 345 

just as the election returns pointed to the success of the 
Whigs. 

It might be surmised that with an advantage like this 
the junto would gain an easy as well as an early triumph 
over the queen and Harley. Such, however, was not the 
case. Immediately after his return, Marlborough in- 
formed Anne that he would take no further part in 
domestic affairs, but confine himself to military matters. 
To this she replied, "I shall always look upon you as both 
[counselor and general] and never separate the two 
characters, but ask your advice in both capacities on all 
occasions." 1 Anne's frankness in this and other letters, 
apparently disarmed Marlborough's suspicions of the 
queen whom he had always respected and loved, 2 and his 
attitude became more friendly as the Whigs began to 
complain more than ever of the equivocal behavior of the 
duke and the lord treasurer. The Earl of Marchmont 
reported that Somers noticed Godolphin's neglect of the 
junto almost immediately. The Scottish peer noted that 
the situation at court " appears very odd. The Treas- 
urer, who was the sole management, seems to have little 
deference for the Whig lords, of which they seem them- 
selves very sensible; and at the same time it is hard to 
imagine how [he] shall be able to support himself with- 
out them. Some talk of attempts and interviews towards 
a good correspondence between him and the Tories, which 

i Keid, p. 256; Marlb. MSS., p. 42. This letter gives some idea of Anne's 
ability to defend herself. See also Eeid, p. 260. 

2 Here is one of Anne's letters, which breathes sincerity in every line: "I 
hope you cannot doubt of my esteem and friendship for you, nor think that 
because I differ with you in some things, it is for want of either: no, I do 
assure you. If you were here you would not think me so much in the wrong 
in some things as I fear you do now." Coxe Papers, XXV. 128. Of Marl- 
borough's reverence for Anne, there is no question. "I own to you," he 
wrote his wife, ' ' I have a tenderness for the Queen, and being persuaded 
it is the fault of those whom she loves, and not her own when she does 
what, is wrong. ' ' Coxe, II. 280. 



346 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

seems more odd, that he should take a party by the hand, 
that seems weaker this, than any were the last session of 
Parliament. ' n 

This change of policy by the ministerial leaders was 
quite natural. At all times, they chafed under the junto 's 
arrogant demands. Consequently, when Marlborough's 
added prestige gave them their opportunity, they sought 
once more to rise above the political factions in their 
administration. 

Though the two ministers were turning for the moment 
away from the Whigs, they fully realized that they could 
expect little support from the Tories, 2 despite the prom- 
ises of Harley and St. John, both of whom they dis- 
trusted. 3 At the same time, each gradually realized that 
Mrs. Masham had gained more and more of Anne's con- 
fidence. Eumors were also current that Lord Raby (late 
envoy at Berlin), Baron Haversham (formerly a strenu- 
ous Whig), and Peterborough had joined " Harley and 
all that Cabal" against the Whigs, and that Rochester 
had, through the mediation of Bromley, affected a full 
reconciliation with Harley. 4 Worst of all, the candidacy 
of Somers seemed to make no progress, despite all the 
agencies promoting it. 

For the members of the junto, all was not gloom, how- 
ever, as Harley 's new alliances drove the duke and Godol- 
phin into a closer union with them. Indeed, both were 

iMarchmont Papers (H. M. C.), III. 335-6. See ib., 332. 

2 Marlborough to the Duchess. Coxe, II. 273. The duke was by no 
means certain that the Whigs could support him in the prosecution of the 
war, so he asked Sunderland to get the opinion of the three other active 
members of the junto and report to him at once. Portl. MSS., IV. 496; 
Reid, p. 256. 

3 St. John kept up his correspondence with the duke after he resigned 
from the ministry. Coxe Papers, XXX. 9; Priv. Cor., I. 277. 

* Priv. Cor., II. 279 ; Coxe, II. 282, 291, 303. The duke was plainly dis- 
turbed at the "dismal prospect." 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 347 

now willing to force Chnrcliill from the Admiralty, al- 
though the duke refused to bind himself to act entirely 
against Anne's wishes. He agreed to oppose the Tories, 
"but as to the invitation, or what else may be personal 
to the Queen, in regard to myself, as well as concern for 
her, I must never do anything that looks like flying in 
her face ... I must be master of my own actions, which 
may concern the Queen personally." 1 In answer to the 
junto's insistent importunities, he wrote a little later that 
he was willing to ally himself closely with it, but "for 
their sakes, and that of the public, as well as my own 
reputation, I must be master of judging of my own 
actions towards the Queen; for sooner or later we must 
have her out of the hands of Mrs. Masham, or every- 
thing will be labour in vain." 2 

Were the queen as negligible a factor in political life 
as is generally supposed, it is difficult to account for 
the value which Marlborough placed upon her influence 
in state affairs. More important still, the complaints of 
Godolphin about Harley's increasing authority and the 
animosity of the junto towards queen and ministers alike 
are inexplicable, unless we assume that Anne possessed 
great potential power, which she was not afraid to exer- 
cise when her will was crossed. The fears of the lord 
treasurer and the duke, as well as the criticism of the 
junto, show that a vast deal depended upon her decisions. 
The struggle over Somers seems clearly to indicate this. 
Although the duke refused to go all lengths against the 
queen, the members of the junto decided to make the 
most they could of his aid against the Tories. Mean- 

i Coxe, II. 288. 

2 Marlborough to Godolphin. Coxe, II. 282. "I can't entirely agree with 
your opinion of the Queen ; " he wrote his wife later, ' ' I must own I have 
a tenderness for her, and would willingly believe that all which is amiss 
proceeds from the ambition and ill judgment of Mrs. Masham, and the 
knavery and artfulness of Mr. Harley." lb., II. 297. 



348 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

while they continued to weary poor Godolphin with new 
and insistent demands for action, and urged the duchess 
to continue harassing her husband with similar sugges- 
tions, particularly with regard to his brother. Willing 
as he was to rid the ministry of such a discordant mem- 
ber, Marlborough was yet reluctant to force the issue 
upon the queen. After some consideration, he decided 
that the only way to keep from offending her was to avoid 
making suggestions about domestic affairs, though Anne 
saw in this decision an ominous threat of the loss of his 
support, and took him again to task, maintaining she 
could not "forbear" consulting him and asking his 
' ' opinion in everything ; there being nobody but you and 
Lord Treasurer that I do advise with, nor can rely on, 
which I will yet hope you will believe." 1 She closed her 
letter by reminding him that she was one whose opinions 
of the Whigs remained the same as ' ' ever they were from 
the time that I have ever been capable of having notions 
of things and people ; and I must own I can see no reason 
to alter mine. ' ' In other words, she could not conscien- 
tiously favor the admission of even the most moderate 
of the junto into her council, because she disapproved of 
their so-called republican principles. Besides, she dis- 
liked Somers personally, because he was the "first pro- 
moter of Whiggism as a political faith ' ' and because his 
record as William's minister had displeased her, but 
more particularly because her husband thought him the 
' * real author of the recent attacks upon the admiralty. ' ' 2 
To the objections the queen urged against putting her- 
self under the control of the junto, Marlborough answered 
that if she were reasonably complaisant, she need "not 
to apprehend falling into any hands but ours [the duke's 
and Godolphin 's], who have done you so very many faith- 

i Coxe, II. 284. This letter clearly shows Anne's spirit of determination. 
2 Mahon, II. 88; Society in the New Beign (1904), p. 139. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 349 

ful services." 1 This failed to convince her, but their 
joint threat of resignation brought forth both another 
protest and another clever appeal to their patriotism. 
"I can never be satisfied the junto mean well to my ser- 
vice," she said, ''till they behave themselves better than 
they did in the last Parliament, and have done ever since 
the rising of it ; for from that minute they had been dis- 
puting my authority, and are certainly designing, when 
the new one meets to tear the little prerogative the Crown 
has to pieces." 2 The kernel of the whole matter lay in 
the word 'prerogative,' truly a magic word for all the 
Stuarts. For it Anne would fight to the last, as her 
father and grandfather had done before her. 

Faced with such determination, there is little wonder 
that the junto became peevish, particularly the impa- 
tient, impertinent Sunderland. 3 The question of the suc- 
cession remained an open one, while the war abroad was 
still in a critical stage ; but worst of all was the fear lest 
the duke's military victories should render him more 
independent of the Whigs and make practicable another 
alliance with the moderate Tories. 4 Before affairs 
should come to that pass, they determined to force 
Prince George to resign. Had they possessed either 
mercy or patience, they would have waited to ascertain 
the outcome of the latter 's serious illness, but the mem- 
bers of the junto possessed neither of these virtues; 

i Marlborough to the queen. Coxe, II. 293. It is doubtful whether this 
is an exact transcript of Marlborough's letter, as it comes from the draft 
sent him by Godolphin as best suiting the needs of the occasion, and may 
have been slightly changed. 

2 Coxe, II. 292. See also ib., II. 291, for Lady Marlborough's letter to 
the duke. 

sLansdowne MSS. (B. M.), 1236, f. 236. He foolishly imagined that 
the ministerial leaders planned to bring over the Pretender, and urged the 
Whigs to cut loose from the ministry. Hardwicke State Papers, II. 479. 

* Mayn waring to the duchess. Priv. Cor., I. 155. 



350 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAKTIES 

besides they could afford to take no chances. Their op- 
portunity lay in his condition, as it not only occupied 
Anne's leisure 1 but rendered her willing to make con- 
cessions, if they would only permit her beloved husband 
to be free from the excitement accompanying an investi- 
gation of his official conduct. To shield the stricken 
prince, they believed she would yield to any ordinary 
demand. In these hours of great distress, when she 
realized that there was no chance of George's recovery, 
the queen stood almost alone. Only the faithful Mrs. 
Masham remained to comfort her. Occasionally, per- 
haps, Harley was able to send in a word of consolation. 
The junto was relentless, Godolphin obdurate, the duch- 
ess unfriendly; so the stricken woman was left uncon- 
soled. It was manifest as the days passed that she must 
choose between seeing her husband's dying moments dis- 
turbed with the fury of partisan political attacks, and 
allowing the Whigs to have their way. 

The duke, unaware of the prince's critical illness, had 
given up all hope of securing Somers's appointment, save 
by the removal of Mrs. Masham, and he was doubtful if 
that could be accomplished. The members of the junto 
again threatened to abandon Godolphin, and Marl- 
borough knew that they would keep their word unless 
Anne relented. So he decided to appeal to his brother 
in an effort to avert the disaster. 2 It is inconceivable 
that any letter could be more brutally frank than one the 
duke sent to the admiral, on this occasion. However, as 

i Lansdowne MSS. (B. M.), 825, f. 79; Coxe Papers, XIII. 130; Duke 
of Manchester MSS. (H. M. C), Pt. ii. 90. Dartmouth said of Mrs. Masham, 
"at night she slept on a pallet in the ante room of her Majesty's bedroom 
within call; the Queen often supported Prince George when he was labour- 
ing under the dreadful attacks of asthma, and she required some help 
beyond what her strength could afford." Strickland, XII. 149. 

2 Coxe Papers, XXV. 156. He thought military success alone would 
enable him to keep down the junto, if the queen refused to allow their plans 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 351 

it was the last of several on the same topic, some of its 
candor may be justified. "Finding you still continue in 
the Prince's Council, and the Parliament now so near, I 
cannot be so wanting, either to you or to myself, as not 
to tell you plainly with all the kindness of a brother, 
and the sincerity of a friend, that if you do not take an 
unalterable resolution of laying down that employment 
before the Parliament sits, you will certainly do the 
greatest disservice imaginable to the Queen and Prince, 
the greatest prejudice to me, and bring yourself into such 
inconveniences as may last as long as you live, and from 
which it is wholly impossible to protect you." 1 

Anne was still reluctant, and the Whigs blamed Godol- 
phin for failing to appoint Somers. To the querulousness 
of Sunderland was now added the complaint of Somers, 
that ' ' after the service which I and my friends have per- 
formed in promoting the Union, they [Godolphin and 
Marlborough] will hardly treat me with common civil- 
ity. ' ' 2 Cowper, moderate Whig though he was, and daily 
growing in the queen's favor, felt constrained to ask 
Newcastle to hurry to London, that the party leaders 
might take counsel how best to prevent a division among 
the Whigs, which might bring the Tories into power. 3 
In his despair, Sunderland held conferences with such 
important Whigs as the dukes of Bolton and Devonshire, 
Lords Oxford and Coningsby. They made pointed re- 
flections upon Prince George's administrative ability, and 
decided to ask Godolphin to put Pembroke in his place. 

to go through. August 2, the duke wrote his wife, ' ' I know the Queen 
would venture everything to effect the dividing of the Whigs." Coxe, II. 
282, 286. Seven weeks later, he averred that Anne was "not capable of 
being changed by reason." Priv. Cor., I. 160. 

i Coxe, II. 357. See Klopp, XII. 178. See also Marlborough's letters 
to the duchess. Coxe, II. 282-91; Priv. Cor., I. 132-6; Mahon, II. 50. 

2 Swift, Change of Ministry, p. 14; Coxe, II. 355. 

3 Portl. HSS., II. 205. 



352 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Wharton, another member of the junto, displayed his 
plentiful temper upon receiving the lord treasurer's 
usual promises of co-operation. 1 

Until after October 19, 1708, the leading members of 
the junto continued to act upon the supposition that the 
queen would not give way. Harley 's friends kept him 
well informed of the trials and tribulations of Godolphin 
and the junto. Early in October he heard that Anne had 
refused "to enter into any capitulation" with the junto 
or permit Godolphin to do so, although he used Somerset 
as his intermediary. Neither would she accept the lord 
treasurer's resignation, nor give him or the Whigs any 
satisfaction about Somers. 2 On the other hand, Harley 
was urged to hasten to court, as his influence with Anne 
might be decisive, since affairs were rapidly 3 reaching a 
climax. Matters looked desperate for the ministry. To 
so adept a politician as St. John, it seemed that the "pear 
was ripe" and the Tories might defeat the junto. To 
Harley he wrote: "You broke the party, unite it again, 
their sufferings have made them wise, and whatever 
piques o 1 * jealousies they may entertain at present, as 
they feel the success of better conduct these will wear 
off and you will have it in your power by reasonable 
measures to lead them to reasonable ends." 4 The Hano- 
verian family grew restive because of the ministerial 
attitude and the junto must have known it. Another 
evidence of the close quarters into which Sunderland and 
his brethren were driven lies in the fact that they had 

i Lansdowne MSS. (B. M.), 1236, f. 238; Portl. MSS., IV. 508-9. Godol- 
phin refused to consider this proposition, but suggested that they allow the 
prince to remain in office, and empower his council to act for him. 

2 Portl. MSS., IV. 507-9. Edwards, Founders of Br. Museum, p. 213. 

3 ' ' Your friend thinks your being here is very necessary, and that her 
Majesty . . . would be the better of assistance and good advice. ' ' Harleian 
MSS. (B. M.), 7526, f. 237. 

* Bath MSS. (H. M. C), I. 192. 



THE QUEEN AND THE JUNTO 353 

written to friends on the Continent asking 1 them to strive 
for peace with France, insinuating that both Marlborough 
and Godolphin would oppose it. 1 

Prince George held the real key to the situation as he 
lay wheezing for breath to sustain him from hour to 
hour. The faithful queen, overwhelmed with grief, with 
her own health undermined by patient vigils at his bed- 
side, 2 could fight no longer, and she made a conditional 
surrender, permitting Sir James Montagu to become 
attorney-general. 3 With real relief, Godolphin wrote his 
colleague, "The Queen is at last brought to allow me to 
make such condescensions, which, if done in time, would 
have been sufficient to have eased most of our difficulties." 
Yet, even then, he felt that the Whigs would demand 
more than she might be willing to grant, and urged Marl- 
borough to hurry to his aid, for the "Queen suspended 
her decision, [and] an interval of several days elapsed 
which was marked with the highest anxiety." 4 Godol- 
phin 's cares did not last long. Prince George died Octo- 
ber 28, leaving his post vacant. Churchill, his favorite, 
unable to stand unaided against the onslaughts of the 
Whigs, retired. The queen was for a time inconsolable, 
and left all administrative affairs to Godolphin. 

After more than eight months' ceaseless importuning, 
Anne surrendered unconditionally. Montagu was at last 
appointed, Wharton became lord lieutenant of Ireland, 
Pembroke lord high admiral, and Somers won the coveted 

i Portl. MSS., IV. 507-9. 

2 Since October 4, he had been given up by all his physicians. Portl. 
MSS., II. 205. ' ' The Queen watched with him all last night, but . . . has 
promised to take some rest this afternoon. ' ' Marlb. MSS., p. 35. 

3 Portl. MSS., IV. 509. Northey had expected the place. 76., IV. 501. 

4 C'oxe, II. 358. Six days before the prince passed away, it looked as if 
Harley's solicitations had won over Halifax, but the assurance that his 
brother would be made attorney-general kept him faithful to the junto. 
Priv. Cor., I. 162-6. 



354 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

position of lord president. 1 The queen had resisted as 
long as possible, and had delayed the fulfilment of the 
wishes of the junto for nearly a year after Harley had 
been driven from court. With the support of Mrs. 
Masham, she had been almost a match for her leading 
ministers and the junto; moreover, even in defeat, she 
retained her waiting woman, despite the opposition. 
Strong bonds of sympathy had existed between Anne and 
the two ' ' triumvirs ' ' remaining in her ministry, but with 
the new accessions to the council, power passed unre- 
servedly into the hands of the Whig leaders, whom she 
detested, individually and collectively. 

i Godolphin-Osborne Papers, Add. MSS., 28041, f. 18; Mar and Kellie 
MSS. (H. M. C), p. 469; La Vie d'Anne Stuart, I. 268; Coxe Papers, 
XIII. 276. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN (1709-1710) 

The Prince of Denmark's death was attended with little 
sorrow from the English masses, but with the greatest 
possible grief on Anne's part. 1 More than a quarter of 
a century had these two royal personages lived happily 
together, since the only sorrow which came to them arose, 
apparently, from the presence of those eighteen little 
graves in Westminster Abbey. 

The prince had not proved an important factor in poli- 
tics, as his only real interest lay in keeping the High 
Church from becoming more intolerant. 2 His chief 
function lay in his very passivity, for to him alone could 
Anne pour out her wrath against the Tories, the junto, 
and the duchess in turn, without the least danger that 
he would seek to make political capital out of her confi- 
dence. He acted as a safety valve to keep the queen con- 
tented with her lot; for his disposition caused him to 
advocate moderation when Anne was very desirous of 
throwing off her dependence upon both Marlborough and 
the lord treasurer. 3 

Not only was Anne deeply grieved at her husband's 

i Dayrolles Papers, Add. MSS., 15866, f. 135; Schaumann, Geschichte der 
Erwerberung, p. 112; Defoe's Review, V. 409; Eijks Archief, lias, 6945. 

2 Schaumann, op. cit., p. Ill; Life of Calamy, II. 112-6; Macky's 
Memoirs, p. 3. 

3 Eeid, p. 287 ; Wilson, Defoe, III. 39 ; Anne declared that George never 
knew of her quarrel with the duchess, for whom he had a high regard. 
Burnet, V. 391. Lewis thought him of little consequence. Portl. MSS., 
IV. 510. 



356 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

death, but she had become an invalid herself. From the 
early days of her reign, she had been troubled with the 
gout, and now dropsy began to manifest itself. With so 
little common sense in selecting her diet, it is surprising 
that she kept as well as she did. Her appearance early 
in 1709 is given us by the vigorous hand of Sir John 
Clark. "She appeared to me the most despicable mortal 
I had ever seen in any station," he wrote, "the poor lady, 
as I saw her twice before, was again under a severe fit 
of gout, ill-dressed, blotted in her countenance, and sur- 
rounded with plaisters, cataplaisma, and dirty like rags. ' n 
From such a sufferer, the Whigs, and even Godolphin, 
expected little opposition for a long time to come. 

Four months passed before Anne could so assuage her 
grief as to take any considerable interest in public busi- 
ness, and Godolphin was able to respond to the demands 
made by the members of the junto that their followers, 
as well as themselves, should be admitted to office. But, 
just as the lord treasurer had foreseen, his yielding even 
in a slight degree only whetted their appetite for more. 
This fact forced him to face their repeated threats with 
continued apprehension, as he knew that if he did not 
speedily provide places for the Whigs, he could not hope 
for their support. He failed also to realize that the 
prince had done much to moderate Anne's plans, and 
make her favorable to the Whigs, and that she was filled 
with resentment against the men who had made George 's 
last days more miserable, if possible, than they already 
were. 

Even this feeling was aggravated when the ill-advised 
zeal of some members of parliament resulted in an ad- 

i Gray, Memoirs of Sir John ClarTc, pp. 71-2. It is possible that Anne 
was unduly fond of intoxicants, although she was certainly no match for 
her husband in that respect. Cole MSS. (B. M.), XXXI. 145; Notes Sr 
Queries (9th Series), XI. 24; Granger, Biographical Diet., I. 8. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 357 

dress that "she would not suffer her just grief so far to 
prevail, but would have such indulgence to the hearty 
desires of her subjects, as to entertain thoughts of a 
second marriage." This was put into more parliamen- 
tary language, passed, and actually sent to Anne less 
than three months after her bereavement! She looked 
upon it as an insult, or at best, an impertinence. In her 
diplomatic way, she said: "The provision I have made 
for the Protestant Succession, will always be a proof, 
how much I have at heart the future happiness of the 
kingdom. The subject of this address is of such a nature 
that I am persuaded you do not expect a particular 
answer." 1 This pert rejoinder prevented any further 
allusion to the matter in parliament. 

While Anne was bitterly lamenting her recent loss, and 
sorrowing over the death of all her children, the Jaco- 
bites decided to take advantage of her bereavement, and 
persuade her that her sorrows were due to her treatment 
of her father and brother. An anonymous letter directed 
Anne's attention to the fate of her sister, who had the 
effrontery to accept her father's throne, and died child- 
less ; it further insisted that the end of her reign would 
mean a recurrence of the Wars of the Roses, unless she 
settled the crown upon the Pretender, James Edward. 2 

We have seen the bad feelings which were engendered 
through the quarrel of Mrs. Masham and the duchess in 
1707, but with Harley out of the cabinet, one might ex- 
pect that Anne's relations with the lowly Abigail would 
cause little difficulty. Such did not prove to be the case. 
In ridding the ministry of a troublesome intriguer, the 
Marlboroughs had not been able to close the breach be- 

i Py. Hist., VI. 777-8. It was rumored in Paris that Marlborough was 
promoting the suit of the Prince of Hesse-Cassel. Journal de Bangeau, 
XII. 345. See also Portl. MSS., IV. 518. 

2 Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CLXXX. 225-6. 



358 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

tween Mrs. Freeman and Mrs. Morley, as is clearly indi- 
cated ten days after Harley's dismissal, by the duchess's 
letter to the queen. This message was filled with re- 
proaches because Anne had been privy to the schemes 
of Harley and St. John to overthrow the ministry. 

Finding her scoldings had the customary result, the 
duchess decided to give up a losing fight and retired to 
the country, leaving a note which gave her reasons for 
going away, and suggesting that when conditions should 
compel her resignation, Anne would keep the promise of 
bestowing her court employments upon her daughters. 1 
This move awakened no regrets in the heart of Mrs. 
Morley, but at once brought forth protests from Sunder- 
land, who assured his mother-in-law, the duchess, that 
she was taking the surest method of insuring the ascend- 
ancy of her rival in Anne 's affections. 2 As a result, Lady 
Marlborough soon returned to court, although her atti- 
tude was scarcely conciliatory, or even courteous. Such 
surliness brought forth from Anne the complaint, which 
she sent direct to Marlborough in Holland, that it was 
useless to attempt to conceal the true state of affairs 
between herself and the duchess as long as she had at her 
side such observant ladies as the Duchess of Somerset 
and Lady Fitzharding. 3 Dr. Sharp was in Anne's con- 
fidence, and he found her so pleased with Abigail as to 
preclude any idea that she would ever consent to give 
her up. 4 

In the meanwhile, Harley kept in touch with the 
progress of the quarrel through Mrs. Masham, whose 
dislike for her domineering cousin steadily increased. 

i Wentworth Papers, p. 98; Coxe, II. 204. Apparently Sarah was willing 
to resign, if the Countess of Sunderland might have her places. 

2 Coxe, II. 210; Maynwariug and the duke also warned her. Priv. Cor., 
I. 119-32. 

3 Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34518, ff. 48-9; Eeid, p. 275. 
* Sharp, I. 330-1, diary entry of April 4, 1708. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 359 

Abigail became so alarmed at the growth of Lady Marl- 
borough's influence in the early months of 1708 that she 
wished a personal conference with Harley. 1 At the same 
time, the duke was worried as to the probable outcome of 
his wife's disagreement with the queen, because he had 
a feeling that Anne and Harley, with Abigail's aid, were 
more than a match for Godolphin and the duchess. 
Moreover, he questioned his own ability to check Harley 's 
insidious activity in preparing Anne's mind to accept 
any peace which Louis XIV might be willing to grant. 2 
Such propositions involved the duke in diplomatic diffi- 
culties which he wished to avoid; particularly when he 
was co-operating with Godolphin in carrying elections 
and placing Somers in the cabinet. In this dilemma, he 
abandoned all hope of prevailing upon Anne to give up 
Abigail, so he decided to withdraw gradually from non- 
military affairs, feeling that since she was "fonder of 
Mrs. Masham than me, I am sure . . . there can be no 
happiness, I mean quietness." 3 

Although Harley and his friends knew that the queen 
had scolded Marlborough for withdrawing his support, 
they continued to encourage her to stand up for her 
rights. 4 Their efforts were most timely, in the light of 
all that she had suffered from Sarah's tongue and pen, 
as well as from the never-ending demands of Godolphin 

i Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, f. 93. See also Portl. MSB., 
IV. 486. 

2 Coxe, II. 216. See also Priv. Cor., I. 120, 131, 139, 143. 

3 Coxe, II. 279 ; Coxe Papers, XXIV. 200. For a time, both the duke 
and his wife thought that Mrs. Masham had no political influence. lb., 
XXIV. 199. This must have been due to Anne's extreme care in consulting 
Harley. On repeated occasions, she discouraged Abigail from holding secret 
conferences with him. Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, ff. 93<J-6<1. 

4 Apparently they were finding the task rather difficult on account of her 
ill health. Portl. MSS., IV. 494. According to their simple cipher, the 
queen lacked "ready money" [courage]. Mrs. Masham to Harley, ib., IV. 
499. 



360 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

in behalf of the junto. In forming all the Tory plans, 
St. John was helpful in attempting to make some sort of 
agreement with the moderate Tories. Raby had joined 
with Harley, and Lewis kept him informed of important 
happenings at court. 

It boded ill for Harley 's plans that the elections went 
against him. However, it did not seem at first that Anne 
would be any more submissive, and the duke remained 
pessimistic. He at last discovered his error in thinking 
Abigail was innocent of all intrigues. "I see the Queen 
is determined to support, and I believe at last own her," 
he confided to his wife. ' ' I am of the opinion I ever was 
of, that the Queen will not be made sensible, or fright- 
ened out of this passion, but I can't but think some ways 
might be found to make Mrs. Masham very much afraid." 
Marlborough, acknowledging that Anne had a mind of 
her own, sought to strike terror to the heart of the favor- 
ite. Such recognition of the queen's will-power, from a 
man who had the best opportunity of judging her char- 
acter from her girlhood, must be accepted as of consider- 
able force, even though it may upset preconceived notions 
of her personality. Not once, but several times did he 
voice the same sentiments. "I am sure that the interest 
of Mrs. Masham is so settled with the Queen, that we 
only trouble ourselves to no purpose;" he wrote several 
days later, "for by endeavoring to hurt, we do good 
offices to her ; so that in my opinion, we ought to be care- 
ful of our own actions." 1 

The duke had no idea that the duchess would make use 
of this message, but she was desperate. Realizing that 
she had lost favor with the queen, she thought her hus- 
band's letter might cause Anne to relent, so she sent it 
to her with a note. This move widened the breach 

iCoxe, II. 285, 291. The duke also said that "42 [the queen] is not 
capable of being changed by reason." Priv. Cor., I. 161. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 361 

between the two women. Even the duke's victory at 
Oudenarde indirectly contributed to the same result. 
When the news of the battle arrived, Anne proclaimed a 
special thanksgiving, and the duchess, as was her cus- 
tom, laid out the jewels the queen was to put on. Acting 
upon Abigail's suggestion, Anne decided not to wear 
them; consequently, Lady Marlborough's anger mounted 
high and she, in the procession, had hot words with the 
queen, telling her "to hold her tongue." Later, she 
wrote, commenting on the queen's refusal as an inter- 
ference with her official duties, and closing with the 
barbed reflection that "your Majesty chose a very wrong 
day to mortify me when you were going to return thanks 
for a victory obtained by my Lord Marlborough." But 
Sarah soon learned that she had no monopoly of taunt- 
ing phrases, as she had deeply wounded the queen's dig- 
nity. "After the commands you gave me on the thanks- 
giving day of not answering you, ' ' Anne wrote, ' ' I should 
not have troubled you with these lines, but to return 
the Duke['s] letter . . . and for the same reason do not 
say anything to that, nor to yours which enclosed it." 1 

Curt words like these would have checked a less indom- 
itable spirit than that of the duchess. Feeling that she 
was unlikely to gain Anne's good will as long as Abigail 
remained at court, Lady Marlborough turned all her 
powers of invective against the favorite. ' ' I cannot think 
it was very just to disgrace some of your faithful ser- 
vants," she said, "for some that have betrayed you, . . . 
nor . . . was it any great proof of your Majesty's com 
stancy to leave Lord Marlborough and me for Mr. Har- 
ley and a woman I took out of a garret." 2 

The duchess was placed at a great disadvantage. Anne 
made no attempt to fight back, and nothing could have 

i Conduct, pp. 219-20; Other Side, pp. 369-70; Strickland, XII. 183. 
2 Reid, p. 280. See also ib., pp. 277-8. 



362 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

been more exasperating to Lady Marlborough than the 
queen's stern taciturnity. Anne persisted in taking her 
at her word, but the latter sought a private interview, in 
which she planned to present her arguments against Har- 
ley and Mrs. Masham. With that end in view, she pre- 
pared the topics of conversation 1 long beforehand. The 
meeting was stormy and ended little to the satisfaction 
of either. Anne refused to give up Abigail or Harley, 
and was insulted by Sarah's reflections on her friendship 
for Lord Haversham ; whereas the duchess refused to be 
reconciled unless Mrs. Masham was driven from court. 
At last, the duchess concluded that further attempts to 
secure Anne's good will were futile — a decision which met 
the warmest approbation of the duke, who had urged it so 
long. The personal relations of Mrs. Morley and Mrs. 
Freeman seemed at an end when circumstances afforded 
the latter an opportunity of a reconciliation, at a time 
when Anne was in a great need of sympathy. As soon as 
it was apparent that Prince George could survive but a 
few hours, the duchess forced her way to the queen's side, 
and for a time it seemed as if the reconciliation might be 
permanent. The initiative had been taken by Lady Marl- 
borough, and Mrs. Masham shared Anne's confidence 
with her. While Mrs. Freeman complained that Abigail 
was always with the queen, Mrs. Masham insisted that 
Mrs. Freeman was afraid to leave the queen's elbow for 
fear she might have a word with her. "There is care 
taken that she shall not be alone," Mrs. Masham ex- 
plained to Harley, "for since the misfortune the Lady 
P[y e l [Marlborough] has hardly left her so long as to 
let her say her private prayers but stays constantly with 

i They cover Harley 's disloyal attitude towards his fellow ' ' triumvirs, ' ' 
the shifting disposition of the Tories in whom Anne placed so much con- 
fidence, and the personal attacks Haversham had made upon the queen. 
Coxe, II. 295. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 363 

her. My laches friends say 'tis fit she should (and they 
hope she always will) to keep that jade my cousin Kate 
[Mrs. Masham] from her." 1 Thus the endurance contest 
proceeded, until Sarah could forbear no longer. She pub- 
licly slighted Mrs. Masham by failing to deliver Anne's 
message to her and once more alienated the queen. 

The final quarrel between Anne and Lady Marlborough 
did not come at once. Few historians have realized that 
their relations were so near the breaking point imme- 
diately after Somers had become president of the coun- 
cil. 2 One writer maintains that at this time Marlborough 
was at the height of his glory, and was the real ruler of 
England, holding Anne "in captivity within her own 
palace." The duke's estimate of his influence was differ- 
ent, even after he knew that the junto had won its battle 
over Somers. "England can't be safe but by a right 
understanding between the queen and the "Whigs. I am 
pleased at what you write that the Lord Treasurer had 
some reason to believe that some of the Whigs are making 
up to Mrs. Masham, for I hope you are of my mind, that 
when England is safe, I had rather anybody would gov- 
ern than I." 3 Godolphin, as well as the duchess, was 
alarmed as to the consequences of Abigail's steady asso- 
ciation with Anne during her period of mourning. The 
day after the queen became a widow, he begged the duke 
to hasten back to England to prevent the ruin of his plans 
by Harley and his cohorts. 4 Both Marlborough and his 
duchess were plainly worried over this threatened union 
of Mrs. Masham with the Whigs, as well as the more 

i Tortl. MSS., IV. 511 ; Priv. Cor., I. 410. See Swift, Change of Ministry. 

2 Conduct, p. 240; Coxe, II. 361. It was weeks, possibly months, before 
Godolphin and Marlborough realized that the breach was such that a 
reconciliation was practically impossible. Burnet, V. 354. 

3 Marlborough to the Duchess. Coxe, II. 383. 

* Coxe, II. 358. Somers feared the worst, and wrote Newcastle to hurry 
home as rapidly as possible. Portl. MSS., II. 206. 



364 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

imminent defection of Halifax. 1 Day by day, it became 
increasingly apparent that Anne and her secret advisers 
had some definite plans in view, but as to the nature of 
those plans, even the most astute of the Whigs were 
unable to venture a guess. 

With the duchess and her lord both pessimistic about 
their future relations with the queen, Godolphin found 
his position even more depressing than before. The 
duchess had concluded that it would be only a matter of 
time before she would have to give up her keys as groom 
of the stole, and the duke was openly making plans to 
retire from the turmoil of public life. As their loss of 
prestige became apparent, the clamor of the Whigs for 
offices increased, and Godolphin 's trials multiplied, as 
members of the junto were now thoroughly assured that 
they held the balance of power. 

Of all the men in political life, Harley was probably the 
busiest. 2 Taking his cue from the appointment of Somers 
and the quarrel with the duchess, he convinced Anne how 
thoroughly she was being governed by her principal min- 
isters, who were keeping her "from conversing with any 
but such as were tools or creatures of their own, so that 
in some respect she was a kind of state prisoner [and not 
treating] her with the respect and deference which was 
due to her, seeing they did not design to know and follow 
her pleasure and commands in matters of state, but dic- 
tated, as if it belonged to them to prescryve, and incum- 
bent upon her to comply. That they had admitted into 
the government a set of men, Whigs, who were enemies 
to herself, her family and all the crowned heads, and that 

iPrw. Cor., I. 168, 190; Mahon, II. 121. By the middle of 1709, Anne 
had expressly forbidden Sarah to mention Abigail's name in her letters or 
conversation. Coxe Papers, XV. 123-6. 

2 He was aided by St. John, Bromley, and Harcourt. Oldmixon, III. 429 ; 
Tortl. MSS., IV. 534. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 365 

these people's maxims and designs would be prosecuted 
and terminate in her ruin, and the subversion of the 
crown and mitre." 1 

Harley's policy was difficult to combat, as it was in per- 
fect keeping with Anne's predilections and temperament. 
In dismissing Harley, her ideas of the prerogative had 
received a shock, and her humiliation after taking Somers 
and Sunderland into her councils was most touching, even 
to Godolphin. With these three things rankling in her 
bosom, and the late unpleasantness with Lady Marl- 
borough fresh in mind, she proved a willing listener to 
Harley's designs. Although all their schemes may not 
have been laid before her, Abigail and Harley were cer- 
tainly planning the overthrow of Godolphin, that Harley 
might become both lord treasurer and ministerial leader. 

With this objective clearly before them, they pro- 
ceeded with their projects, in the accomplishment of 
which both the duchess and her husband unwittingly 
aided them. The former harassed Anne and the woman 
she was protecting, until forbearance ceased to be a vir- 
tue, even in a queen, and Anne felt called upon to protest 
until Marlborough was convinced that any further com- 
munications of his wife with the queen would be worse 
than useless, serving only to increase Anne's resentment. 
While thus convinced, the duke had the extreme mortifica- 
tion to observe the queen's cool behavior to his wife while 
she was at court, and the tendency of selfish courtiers 
thus early to curry favor with Mrs. Masham. 2 

Of Anne's personal feelings there could no longer be 
the slightest doubt. One of the menials in the queen's 
bedchamber was very ill and Anne wished that a protegee 

i Loclhart Papers, I. 310. So keen an observer as Lockhart did not 
perceive the part played by Sarah's neglect of the queen. See Memoires 
de Torcy, III. 20-2 ; and W. Coxe, Memoirs of Robert Walpole, V. 50, sq. 

zPriv. Cor., I. 169-70, 212; Coxe, II. 383, 391-2. 



366 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

of Mrs. Masham succeed her. Since this place was usu- 
ally filled by the groom of the stole, Lady Marlborough 
naturally demurred at the appointment of her cousin's 
candidate. To this the queen spiritedly replied : "I know 
this place is reckoned under your office; but there is no 
office whatsoever that has the entire disposal of anything 
under them, but I may put in any one I please when I 
have a mind to it. And now you mention the Duke of 
Somerset again, I cannot help upon this occasion saying, 
whenever he recommends anybody to me, he never says 
it is his right, but submits to my determination, and has 
done so upon occasions in which you have recommended 
people to me in posts under him. But I do not say this 
that you should think I hearken to everybody's recom- 
mendation; for indeed I do not, and will not, and for the 
person you are so mightily afraid should put any one into 
Rains ford's place, I dare answer she will not go about 
recommending anybody. And if this poor creature 
should die, which, as I said before, I hope she will not, I 
shall then hearken to nobody's recommendation but my 
own, which I am sure you ought not to think any wrong 
or injustice to you." 1 

The situation was unfortunate for Marlborough, who 
had to lead the armies of England and her allies against 
the French. With his wife and Godolphin losing the 
queen's favor, he had no assurance that his plans, both 
diplomatic and military, might not be overthrown by 
Harley. To protect himself from such a contingency, he 
asked to be made captain general for life, thereby arous- 
ing the fears of the queen, and many of the courtiers. 
This request caused his already waning popularity to 
decrease still more, and cost him Anne's confidence when 
he needed it most. 

The presumption of the duke and the arrogance of the 

i Priv. Cor., I. 256. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 367 

duchess placed Harley and Abigail in an advantageous 
position. Without fear of successful opposition, they now 
urged Anne to dismiss Godolphin and appoint Harley in 
his place. Yet they had to work with circumspection, 
since the duchess was still at court, and her agents 
remained in the queen's employ. To inform the ministry 
of their plans could only result fatally, since Anne was 
exceedingly reluctant to acquiesce in Harley 's policies 
until she was certain of their success, 1 and was not con- 
vinced by simple assurances that the voters were suffi- 
ciently hostile to Godolphin 's ministry to return to parlia- 
ment a majority favorable to the Tories. However, Har- 
ley was nothing if not patient, being content to win Anne 
by degrees to the necessity of delivering herself from the 
control of the Whiggish ministry. Frequent letters and 
occasional interviews were now the order of the day. 
These were constantly made easier by Abigail's efficient 
work. For a short time, Marlborough imagined that Har- 
ley had formed an alliance with the Whigs, which would 
slowly but surely bring Godolphin 's administration to 
an end, because he was convinced that once his loss of 
the queen's favor became known, "the greatest part of 
89 [Whigs] will join 208 and 256 [Harley and Mrs. 
Masham] who for some time will carry on the business. 2 
Neither Godolphin nor the Marlboroughs could be idle 
when they knew the man whom they had driven from 
office was busily plotting against them. Knowing that 
the queen would never listen to their advice, they attacked 
Harley indirectly, by attempting to put obstacles in the 
way of his daughter's marriage to Lord Dupplin, of which 

i"As for your writing a letter for me to show my freind [Queen], you 
had better not doe it for fear she will be examined about it, soe I dare 
answer she would much rather know nothing of the matter." Mrs. Masham 
to Harley, Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, f. 97<J-9d. See also 
Portl. MSS., IV. 525. 

2 Letter to the duchess, Coxe Papers, XXIX. 190-1. 



368 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

action Harley complained most bitterly to Newcastle, who 
was destined a few years later to forward a marriage of 
his own daughter with Harley 's son. Even then, Harley 
discerned the silver lining in the cloud — the danger to 
Godolphin of his hesitating policy with the junto, and the 
manifest independence of Somerset, whose duchess was 
beginning to share Anne's confidence. Mrs. Masham's 
social position was not sufficiently elevated to allow her to 
assume many of the ceremonial duties heretofore per- 
formed by Lady Marlborough, and as the queen and her 
old favorite drifted apart, these functions were performed 
to an increasing degree by the Duchess of Somerset, rank- 
ing lady of the bedchamber. 1 

The breach between Mrs. Morley and Mrs. Freeman 
was almost complete. The latter attempted to obtain a 
personal interview with Anne, but in vain. She then 
wrote out a list of her grievances and a still longer cata- 
logue of the services she had performed for the queen, 
and accompanied them with a species of sermon, empha- 
sizing the idea of forgiveness by arguments drawn from 
the Scriptures. Even this clever appeal to Anne's reli- 
giosity failed, for the latter suspected a ruse and lazily 
put off the perusal of the essay on Christian duty, and 
neglected to answer the letter. 2 The duchess would not 
be cast aside in this way. Tactless by nature, she never 
displayed less judgment than when she attempted to force 
Anne to a decision. With all the dignity of a duchess, she 
demanded that Godolphin and Marlborough should aid 
her in regaining her place at court. 3 To the duke's letter 
about his wife's predicament, Anne at once replied, vin- 
dicating Abigail from the charges which Lady Marl- 
borough had made, citing his wife's inveteracy against 

iPortl. MSS., II. 208; Anglice Notitia (1708), p. 610. 

2 Conduct, pp. 225-7. 

3 Coxe Papers, XV. 123-6. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 369 

her cousin, and particularly emphasizing the cool treat- 
ment of the duchess toward herself. " I do not love com- 
plaining, but it is impossible to help saying on this occa- 
sion, I believe nobody was ever so used by a friend as I 
have been by her since my coming to the Crown. I desire 
nothing but that she would leave off teasing and torment- 
ing me and behave herself with that decency she ought, 
both to her friend and Queen and this I hope you will 
make her do, and is what no reasonable body can wonder 
I should desire of you ... I shall end this letter, as you 
did yours to me, wishing both your eyes and the Duchess 
of Marlborough's may be opened and that you may ever 
be happy." 1 In a like manner, she replied to his wife, 
who had asked what fault was found with her. Anne 
accused her of persecuting Mrs. Masham. She found no 
fault with Sarah's insisting upon her own opinions, but 
she declared that it was impossible for the duchess ever 
to recover her confidence. "I shall behave myself to 
you," she wrote, "as to the Duke of Marlborough's wife 
and as my groom of the stole. ' ' 2 

The struggle was over, if the duchess had possessed 
eyes to see it, but she insisted still upon an interview. 
Eventually, after several rebuffs that must have been 
extremely hard to endure, Lady Marlborough said that 
she wished only to present her case, and would not ask 
Anne to make any decision. On these conditions, the 
momentous interview took place early in April, 1710. 
After pouring out the vials of her bountiful wrath upon 
Abigail and Harley, the duchess waited for an answer. 
The queen only repeated again and again, "You desired 
no answer, and you shall have none. ' ' The meeting was 
both strenuous and prolonged. Plenteous tears were 
shed by both women, but Sarah never received any better 

i Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, f. 49<*. See Marlb. MSS., p. 43. 
2 Conduct, p. 224. See also it., p. 239 ; Coxe, II. 488. 



370 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

answer, and left, thoroughly beaten by the woman whom 
she had expected to conquer. 1 The duchess meddled but 
little in political affairs again. At court her influence 
was entirely gone, although for months she held her offi- 
cial positions. The duke, however, was still the com- 
mander in chief of the armies and one of the duchess's 
closest friends was Godolphin, the titular head of the 
ministry. It is strange, if the political influence of these 
two leaders was as great as is currently accepted, that 
they did not prevent Anne's dismissal of her former 
favorite. 

For months, Godolphin had been much depressed in 
trying to keep the greedy Whigs at bay. His troubles 
increased as Harley slowly gained over Anne an influence 
which caused her to exhibit more than the usual amount 
of opposition whenever the lord treasurer wished her 
consent to some Whig appointment. 2 As the offices at his 
disposal became fewer, the cries of disappointed place 
seekers became more eloquent. Little wonder, then, that 
in his exasperation he should have told Marlborough that 
the life of a galley slave was preferable to his. He 
ardently desired to leave office, but foreign relations were 
in much too critical a condition to permit it. 3 

His fate was now closely linked with that of the junto. 
As long as the five Whigs stood together, Godolphin could 
make no headway against them, but by the middle of 
1709, it looked as if this hard-working combination might 
be dissolved. Halifax was piqued because he was not 
sent as an envoy to negotiate the Barrier Treaty, and, 
much to the duke's dismay, 4 showed signs of allying him- 

i Conduct, pp. 241-4; Coxe, III. 55; Priv. Cor., I. 301-4; Lecky, II. 151. 

2 Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, ff. 134-5. 

3 Coxe Papers, XXVII. 41-5; Coxe, II. 386. 

* When Godolphin told him the place was promised to Townshend, the 
remarks of Halifax were decidedly sulphurous. Triv. Cor., I. 176; Mahon, 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 371 

self with Harley. Wharton, possibly the most active and 
successful politician of the group, had become lord lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, and spent far more time in making 
money than he did in politics. Two of his fellows, Sun- 
derland and Somers, objected so emphatically to this that 
he was impelled to complain of their treatment. 1 The 
lord treasurer displayed even more disquietude lest 
Sunderland should precipitate a struggle between Anne 
and the ministry unless Halifax was given either a place 
in the council or an important diplomatic post. 2 Although 
he prevented any serious difficulty over this question, he 
and the junto had to meet the queen's displeasure 
squarely when they wished a post in the ministry for 
Orford, another of the junto, who had not yet been 
rewarded. 

Edward Russell, Lord Orford, had been a leading 
admiral in William's reign; but his actions were, to say 
the least, always suspicious, since, like Shrewsbury, 
Godolphin, and Marlborough, he wished to be safe, what- 
ever dynasty might rule England. Godolphin urged Anne 
to appoint him lord high admiral. Recalling his doubt- 
ful record, she hesitated to reward such a man, although 
her refusal lay fully as much in the fact that he was a 
Whig, and, worst of all, one of the junto, against which 
she had struggled for five years. To Orford 's preten- 
sions, the duke was at first unfavorable, as he had been in 
the case of Halifax; but eventually he was won over, 

p. 375. Halifax's demeanor towards the duchess seems to have been dis- 
courteous. Coxe, II. 381. 

i Wharton MSS. (Bodl.), IV. 32; Hearne, II. 155; Coxe Papers, 
XXVIII. 155, XXIX. 123. Indeed, he felt his position insecure. lb., 
XXVIII. 12. The junto was disturbed by Queensberry 's boast that he 
would force his way into the junto. Portl. MSS., IV. 516. 

2 Coxe, II. 384. The duke feared this move might force Anne into closer 
relations with Harley and he felt that his only hope lay in the reasonable- 
ness of Somers, Devonshire, Newcastle, and Townshend. 



372 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

because the Whigs once more threatened to oppose 
Godolphin unless their demands were granted. In this 
scheme, Sunderland was perhaps the leading spirit, for 
he advocated putting this coup into effect just before 
parliament met, if the lord treasurer did not prove com- 
plaisant. 1 Marlborough's position was distinctly em- 
barrassing, when he was appealed to at the same time 
both by Godolphin and by Anne to support their plans, 
which were diametrically opposed to each other, but he 
advised the queen to place Orford at the head of the 
admiralty board, which advice for once she followed with 
reasonable promptness, although she compensated the 
displaced Pembroke with a grant of £3,000 a year. 2 

Marlborough's power with the queen was soon tested 
again. In reorganizing the Admiralty, the junto insisted 
that Sir John Jennings and Sir George Byng should be 
members of the board. To both, Anne bitterly objected, 
as she suspected they had been implicated in the recent 
attacks upon Prince George. For a season, it looked as 
if the Whig plan would be wrecked through her obstinacy. 
After much discussion, many interviews, and a letter 
from the duke, the queen agreed to a compromise and 
contented herself with substituting another name for 
that of Jennings. 3 

i ' ' By this move we shall preserve our reputation and our party ; and 
without it, we shall have neither. ' ' Jlanlwiclce State Papers, II. 479. 

2 Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34518, f. 48; Coxe, II. 483; Mahon, 
p. 402. 

s Priv. Cor., I. 278. "I am in a good deal of uneasiness to find in three 
conversations I have had with Lord Treasurer," Anne wrote to Marl- 
borough, ' ' he has not mentioned the business of the admiralty to me, fear- 
ing by that he intends to offer people he thinks will be disagreeable to me; 
and therefore, out of good nature, defers it as long as 'tis possible. Who- 
ever he proposes for this commission, it is a thing of that great consequence 
to the public, and particularly to myself, that 1 must consider it very well 
before I can come to any resolution." Coxe, II. 484. Anne disliked Byng 
also. Coxe Papers, XXIV. 162. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 373 

Marlborough arrived home next clay to find his wife 
and Goclolphin out of touch with Queen Anne. It is true 
that he came as a victor, but the hard won battle of Mal- 
plaquet added little to his laurels, because the people 
of England, particularly the gentry, demanded an end of 
the war, and were most hopeful during the progress of 
peace negotiations, in the summer of 1709, that the min- 
istry would respect their wishes. When the diplomatic 
interchanges failed, they blamed Marlborough for pro- 
longing the war for his own purposes, an accusation to 
which he added weight by demanding the rank of captain 
general for life. After winning Malplaquet, he was 
accused of slaughtering his men needlessly, to increase 
his own reputation, rather than to hasten the conclusion 
of the war. 1 

As many contemporaries believed these charges, it is 
necessary to examine them in order to determine their 
truth. Both the Marlboroughs were mean and penurious, 
both possessed the gift of making money, and together 
they amassed a great fortune; both were deservedly 
unpopular, and almost without exception, the courtiers 
envied them their good fortune, which was largely a 
result of their merits. All sorts of stories were told of 
Marlborough's stinginess, and he was the butt of witty 
remarks from the tongues and pens of such men as Peter- 

i Coxe Papers, XXVIII. 67 ; Swift, Change of Ministry. ' ' Marlborough 
had every motive to continue the war, as it gratified not only his ambition 
but his avarice." Goldsmith, Hist., IV. 149. In 1712, appeared Arbuth- 
not's famous pamphlet, Law is a Bottomless Pit, in which the main themes 
are Holland 's selfishness and Marlborough 's disloyalty. Mrs. Masham kept 
Anne in touch with these rumors. At first sight the most damning evidence 
is found in Carte's "Memoranda": "When peace was expected in 1706, 
Lord Orkney was going to sell his equipage, but the Duke . . . asking him 
one morning if it was true, and Orkney owning it, Marlborough said, no, 
Orkney, what must so many brave fellows do to live then? There must be no 
peace. This Orkney told Lewis." Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CCLXVI. 37b. This 
is hearsay evidence of the most dangerous kind and is not to be trusted. 



374 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

borough and Swift. The haughtiness and probity of 
the duchess failed to make her popular at a time when her 
strict code of personal morality stamped her as prudish. 
Her parsimony made her the target for such remarks as, 
"the Duke may have been liberal occasionally, but the 
Duchess never." 

So much for generalities; what are the facts? When 
Marlborough found that the desire for peace was so 
strong and the growing weakness of the ministry threat- 
ened it with a defeat at the next election, he suggested 
that he be made captain general and master of the ord- 
nance for life. The queen took no apparent notice of his 
suggestion, as she needed time to consider so important a 
matter. She at once laid the case before her chancellor, 
Lord Cowper, without any explanation, except what 
might be implied in the question, "In what words would 
you draw a commission ... to render the Duke . . . 
captain-general of my armies for life ? ' n Cowper, think- 
ing she wished to honor Marlborough with this unprece- 
dented favor, argued strongly against it. Anne was much 
pleased with his stand, and asked him to speak to Marl- 
borough. The chancellor forthwith informed the duke 
that there was no historic warrant for such a request. 2 
Still dissatisfied, the duke asked James Craggs to look up 
the grant to Monck prior to the Restoration, and the 
report was that Monck 's commission was only during 
pleasure, and granting the duke's request would estab- 
lish a precedent. 3 Refusing to be denied, Marlborough 
greatly alarmed the queen by applying directly to her. 
After taking counsel with her friends, she "positively 
declined compliance." Furious at her refusal, Marl- 

i Swift, Change of Ministry; Alison, Military Hist, of Marlb., pp. 288-92. 

2 Cowper to Marlborough, June 23, Coxe Papers, XXVIII. ; Strickland, 
XII. 199. 

3 Letter of Craggs, May 20, 1709, Coxe Papers, XXIX.; Eyan, pp. 565-9. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 375 

borough wrote Anne a most complaining letter, which 
was in part, at least, responsible for the cloud under 
which he rested thereafter. 

The duke incurred not only the queen's resentment but 
that of the Tories as well. Having never forgiven him 
for deserting them, they began to make capital of his 
attempt to become military dictator. They were now 
ready to join their forces with Harley to overthrow the 
man who had four times humiliated the proud armies of 
France. Even the members of the junto were discon- 
certed by this extraordinary request, which displayed on 
Marlborough's part either a lack of confidence in their 
sincerity or a doubt as to their ability to retain political 
control. 1 To the duke's personal enemies, this ill-advised 
move also afforded an unparalleled opportunity to lessen 
his power in the government. Under such unfavorable 
conditions, Marlborough began the peace negotiations 
with France. If his actions in these conferences pro- 
longed the war, he must have had personal reasons for 
so doing, because he was thoroughly aware that England 
wished peace. As a matter of fact, the correspondence 
of Marlborough and Torcy, 2 the French minister, Ber- 
wick's Memoirs and Cowper's Diary all show that the 
duke made a serious effort to bring about peace, but that 
his instructions from England and the heavy demands 
of the allies made such an outcome impossible. Marl- 
borough wished peace for its own sake, and the enormous 
bribes offered by Louis XlVjwould certainly have inclined 
him in that direction, if he had been as self-seeking as his 
antagonists alleged. 

i Marlborough knew that this demand would increase his unpopularity. 
The fact that he still persisted, showed how much he felt himself at the 
queen's mercy, as is evident from an examination of the Coxe Papers, 
XXIX. passim, particularly, a letter of July 20, 1709, on folio 39. 

2 Egerton MSS. (B. M.), 892-4; G. Murray, Letters and Dispatches of 
Marlborough; Coxe's Marlborough; Torcy, Memoirs, II. 355-7, 363. 



376 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Various as have been the reasons assigned for the fail- 
ure of the peace preliminaries, no attention has been paid 
to Marlborough's complaint that Harley made it practi- 
cally impossible for him to proceed satisfactorily with 
the negotiations, as with every augmentation of Harley 's 
power, the French representatives became more indif- 
ferent to peace proposals. In June, Lord Raby congratu- 
lated the duke on the conclusion of peace, the treaty of 
which he understood was as good as signed. Coming 
across this letter years later, the duchess noted on the 
envelope, ' ' The peace which my Lord Raby calls so glori- 
ous, and which was so near made, would certainly have 
been finished had not . . . [Harley] and those that 
assisted him in doing so much mischief, thought it too 
good ; and for that reason they encouraged France to 
hold out, which appeared by a thousand things to those 
who knew the secrets of those times." 1 

In July, Godolphin informed Marlborough that Harley 
was in close touch with the Tories, who would make it 
clear in parliament that the duke alone prevented peace, 
and would show how badly England needed rest on 
account of the great expense of the war. Ten days later, 
the lord treasurer wrote again in the same tone. A month 
afterward he reported that Harley and Buys, the 
Dutch envoy in London, were both greatly pleased 
because Marlborough was so taken up with the siege of 
Mons that he had no time for diplomacy. ' ' If peace does 
not come before Parliament," said Godolphin, "the 
entire communication and correspondence between Har- 
ley and 61 [Buys] will certainly force us to a worse." 2 

i Coxe Papers, XXVIII. 67. Sarah continued: "At the same time that 
they prevented the peace, they imposed upon many in making them believe 
the Duke . . . had a design to continue the war forever for his own advan- 
tage, who had really more interest in making an end, and was fonder of 
doing it than anybody for ten thousand reasons." 

2?rw. Cor., II. 351; Coxe Papers, XXIX. 99, 171; Priv. Cor., II. 344-9. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 377 

The duke was really despondent about the whole matter, 
and censured Harley most severely for his interference 
in vital foreign affairs. 1 

Although other contemporaries are silent as to Har- 
ley 's intrigues, there can be no doubt of his industry. He 
was in confidential communication with Shrewsbury, who 
kept him informed regarding the growth of peace senti- 
ment in the country at large. 2 Lord Rivers and the Earl 
of Mar withdrew their support from the ministry. 3 Har- 
ley and the queen, with the aid of such men as these, 
might well become a veritable stumbling-block to the min- 
istry in its peace negotiations, particularly when Marl- 
borough was absent from court, and Godolphin no longer 
in Anne's good graces. The duke realized that even his 
presence would help affairs very little, for his unpopular- 
ity with the queen was almost as great as that of his 
imperious duchess. 

Indeed, the duke was in an extremely bad way when 
he lost Anne's confidence, because of his own unpopular- 
ity. At the close of the campaign of 1708 he was indi- 
rectly censured by the Commons because in his report 
of the battle of Wynendale he failed to give proper credit 
to General Webb. 4 It is surprising that such censure 
should occur after he had triumphed at Oudenarde, but 
it should cause no comment, since similar criticisms had 
followed the very bloody battle of Malplaquet. 5 Of course 

i Coxe, II. 476. 

2 Bath MSS., I. 197; Coxe Papers, XXIII. 171. 

sPriv. Cor., II. 362-5; Coxe, II. 489; A. A. Locke, The Seymour Family, 
p. 163. 

* Marlborough had done all he could to remedy this oversight, and Webb 
seemed satisfied until his officious friends got hold of him. Coxe, II. 376; 
C. J., XVI. 46; Mahon, pp. 373-4. 

5 Two battles have been more deadly in proportion to the number en- 
gaged: Talavera and Waterloo. Alison, supra cit., II. 284; Coxe Papers, 
XVIII. 67. 



378 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

the Whigs rejoiced at his success, but Anne's secret 
advisers called her attention to the great sacrifice of life, 
and she failed to thank Marlborough for his victory. 1 The 
current Tory view of the battle is best given by Hearne. 
" There happened . . . a bloody battle between the Allies 
and the French near Mons. It lasted for about nine 
hours, with very great obstinacy. At last the French, 
after they had slain about 19,000, with the loss of only 
7,000 men on their own side, thought fit to retire, which 
they did in very good order." 2 Instead of finishing the 
war, as Marlborough had hoped, this battle only served 3 
to stiffen the determination of the French, who had dis- 
covered how great a price they might exact from the 
duke in battle, and were even less inclined to accept the 
onerous peace terms demanded by the allies. 

The reception which the conquering hero received upon 
his arrival home was anything but what he expected. He 
had still to explain to Webb's numerous friends why he 
had treated their favorite so shabbily. He was forced 
also to listen to the murmurs of the masses at the need- 
less sacrifices in winning Malplaquet. All this came at 
the very moment that he had lost the queen's confidence 
through his wife 's behavior and his own ill-timed attempt 
to secure a life tenure as commander in chief. 

The growth of Harley's power was largely responsible 
for the queen's increasing dislike of the policies of her 

i Macknight, Bolingbroke, p. 140. Cf. Smollett, Hist, of Eng., I. 155-8. 

2 Hearne, II. 264. Hearne also describes the part the Chevalier played 
in this battle. ' ' This act cannot but deserve the highest commendation, 
though it is slighted and undervalued by his disloyal and rebellious English 
subjects, who are for magnifying nothing but what makes for the interest 
of . . . Marlborough, whom some call King John the Second, which Duke 
though he be a soldier, yet all his achievements will never satisfy for his 
shameful desertion of . . . James II." lb., 265. 

3 Coxe Papers, XXX. 18. It did improve the credit of the allies, and 
Godolphin was able to circulate about £500,000 more exchequer bills. lb., 46. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 379 

leading ministers. Not satisfied with the duke's discon- 
tent and his chagrin at finding that military success only- 
added to the general lack of confidence, Harley and the 
queen pursued their advantages still further. They 
decided to strike at his military power, though there was 
no particular need to hurry, as every week weakened 
Marlborough's hold upon affairs. He had already lost 
Shrewsbury's support, 1 though he was not yet aware of 
the fact, and he knew that Mar had gone over to Harley, 
carrying with him a number of the Scottish members, a 
move for which the duke held Rivers mainly responsible. 2 
Such being the situation, Anne decided to strike at the 
very root of Marlborough's power. In January, 1710, the 
Earl of Essex died, leaving vacant the office of constable 
of the Tower, a position very much in demand. At Har- 
ley 's suggestion, Lord Rivers at once went to see Marl- 
borough about it. Fully aware of Harley 's scheme, the 
duke put Rivers off from time to time with the excuse 
that the place was not of sufficient importance for a man 
of his merit. At last, however, he consented that Rivers 
should take the case to the queen and say that he had no 
objection to the appointment. In the meantime, he had 
been promoting the candidacy of the Duke of Northum- 
berland, and was greatly surprised when Anne informed 
him she was sorry that he had come too late, as the honor 
had been bestowed upon Rivers, because "he told me that 
your Grace had stated you had no objections to him." 

i Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34521, f. 41; Bath MSS., I. 197. As 
early as December, 1708, Marlborough knew that Shrewsbury was not entirely 
in sympathy with the ministers, as he could not be given a place. Priv. Cor., 
I. 174; Coxe Papers, XXIII. 48, XXIX. 55, 156. 

2 Coxe Papers, XXIX. 55; Conduct, p. 227; Priv. Cor., II. 283. 

3 Swift, Change of Ministry. Cf. Burton, III. 62; Kemusat, I. 179. 
Peter Wentworth was told that Marlborough was promoting the interests 
of Cadogan. Wentworth Papers, p. 102. See also Conduct, p. 124; Coxe, 
III. 6. 



380 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

The queen and her supporters had outwitted Marl- 
borough, but he could do nothing, inasmuch as both Anne 
and Rivers had literally taken him at his word. 

The blow was a hard one, but was as nothing compared 
to the queen's next move. The death of Essex left the 
celebrated Second Dragoons without a colonel. Before 
Marlborough had time to recover from his disappoint- 
ment over Rivers 's appointment, Anne commanded him 
to bestow the vacant regiment upon John Hill, Abigail's 
brother. He was too astonished for speech. That Anne 
should presume to dictate important military appoint- 
ments was bad enough, but when she nominated the 
brother of the very woman against whom he had been 
complaining for months, it was unbearable! 1 To the 
Marlboroughs, to Godolphin, to the courtiers, yes, even to 
the queen, it was clearly a battle between Harley and 
Marlborough, as well as between the queen and her 
ministers. 2 The Marlboroughs and Godolphin were 
thoroughly aroused as they realized it was to be a fight 
to the finish. 

If any one appreciated the meaning of the last four 
words better than the queen, it was Harley. His hand 
was in it all. Rivers had acted as his trusted agent and 
had helped to humiliate Marlborough. Somerset, pro- 
voked because Marlborough had not appointed his son 
to a vacant regiment, 1 and flattered by Anne's frequent 
attentions, was being drawn, through Harley 's subtle 

i Tindal, IV. 185; Loclchart Papers, I. 316-7; Conduct, pp. 227-8. Lady 
Marlborough was also greatly wrought up, as she intended to bestow the regi- 
ment upon one of her favorites. Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CXXV. 98. 

2 ' ' The dispute was not between the Queen and My Lord Duke, as some 
will have it, but whether Mrs. Masham and her party should have a disposal 
of all vacancies in the armies and by degrees, of everything else. ' ' Morrison 
(2d Series), II. 81. 

3 In reality Anne had refused to appoint him. Coxe Papers, XXX. 97. 
See also A. A. Locke, The Seymour Family, p. 163; Wentworth Papers, p. 98. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 381 

skill, into the ranks of his supporters. 1 Somerset's polit- 
ical value, on account of his high social position, as rank- 
ing Protestant nobleman, had never been thoroughly 
appreciated by Marlborough, who despised him because 
of his mediocrity. 2 Harley discerned the possibilities of 
using this proud nobleman and his followers against the 
ministry. 

When Marlborough was ordered to appoint Hill he 
became really desperate. The war was still in progress 
and important diplomatic negotiations were about to 
begin. His work was unfinished, and he did not wish to 
resign. Harley had been busy circulating rumors that 
the junto had promised to appoint him captain general 
for life, 3 thus making conditions still more difficult. If 
he threatened to resign, it was more than probable that 
Anne would accept his resignation ; whereas, if he did not 
resign, his military power and diplomatic prestige would 
be greatly weakened by the queen's monopoly of all 
important appointments. 

In dismay, the duke consulted Sunderland, who assured 
him of the support of the junto against Harley. Encour- 
aged by this promise, Marlborough laid his case before 
the queen. She listened to his complaints with extreme 
indifference, and the only satisfaction he received was the 
cryptic advice that "you will do well to advise with your 
friends."* He followed her suggestion, but it was hard 
to reach a decision with the junto. At last, Somers 
agreed to go with him to wait on the queen, but when the 
time came, he excused himself on the plea of illness. Dis- 

iPortl. MSB., II. 208; Coxe Papers, XXVIII. 152; Eyan, pp. 547-9; 
Wyon, I. 164. 

2 Coxe, II. 279, 356, 384; Coxe Papers, XLI. 137. 

zJVentworth Papers, pp. 104-5. See, however, Wyon, II. 165; Tindal, 
IV. 185. 

4 Coxe, III. 8. ' ' Marlborough could not draw one kind expression from 
her." Conduct, pp. 230-2. 



382 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

concerted by this move, the duke, with his wife, set out 
for Windsor without taking formal leave of the queen, 
hoping to alarm her by his withdrawal from the cabinet 
council. Apparently she was not in the least perturbed, 
for she did not even remark about his absence, 1 although 
he had kept his departure an absolute secret. 

Two years before, Marlborough had retired from court 
on Anne's refusal to remove Harley from the ministry. 
At the first cabinet meeting thereafter Somerset had pre- 
vented Harley 's attempt to carry on the routine business. 
Such was not the case now, as Harley and the queen had 
won over Somerset and no one else present would risk 
Anne's displeasure by even referring to the duke's 
absence. Fully expecting a repetition of the council 
meeting of February, 1708, Marlborough upon his depart- 
ure, left with Godolphin a vigorous letter to Anne, 
emphasizing his great services to the crown and the 
numerous instances which both he and his wife had re- 
ceived of Abigail's hatred, and closed by saying, "I hope 
your Majesty will either dismiss her or myself." 2 Al- 
though the tone was entirely to the liking of Sunderland 
and some of the radical Whigs, Godolphin and the junto 
considered it too extreme and advised the duke to moder- 
ate it. On January 16, two important meetings of the 
political leaders were held, but neither Godolphin nor 
Somers attended, and sickness kept Sunderland from one 
of them. The decision at these conferences was to sup- 
port the duke in his refusal to appoint Hill. The lord 
treasurer at once took up the matter with Anne, but he 
was too fearful of her anger to accomplish anything. 3 
Somers, who stood higher in the queen's favor than any 
of the ministry save Cowper, waited upon her with 

i Conduct, p. 230; Burton, III. 62; Coxe, III. 8, 18. 

2 Coxe, III. 8 ; Conduct, pp. 230-4. 

3 Priv. Cor., I. 295-6; Conduct, p. 230; Coxe, III. 9. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 383 

similar results, although she told him she recognized 
Marlborough's great worth and was properly grateful. 
"This I will confirm when I see him," she said, "and then 
I doubt not I shall have the satisfaction of hearing him 
own, that after mature reflection, he has changed his 
opinion, and will not continue to think my proposal 
unreasonable. 1 

Such determined opposition divided the ministry. 
Somers and Godolphin counseled moderation, but Sun- 
derland urged extreme measures, even to the extent of 
attacking Mrs. Masham in the House of Commons, and 
threatening to bring over the electoral prince. 2 An 
agreement was impossible without consulting Marl- 
borough, so James Craggs was sent to see him and found 
him ready to advocate a vigorous policy. Scarcely had 
Craggs left Windsor before letters from the lord presi- 
dent and the lord treasurer arrived, begging the duke to 
meet Anne half way, a plan which had found favor with 
the majority of the members of the junto. 3 Somers again 
called on the queen, this time with better success. Her 
protestations convinced him that she still relied upon the 
duke, whom he advised to return to court at once, in 
which opinion Somers was supported by the ministry and 
the Whig leaders. 4 

The Marlboroughs reluctantly obeyed Somers 's man- 
date, as he urged a policy slightly less radical than that 
of Sunderland. The duke demanded that the junto, 
Godolphin, Cowper, and Newcastle should meet and 
advise him, as he knew that they must act together in 
order to prevail. Once more he was right; the queen 
seemed as intractable as ever, and apparently forgot her 

i Marlb. MSS., p. 39 ; Coxe, III. 10. 

2 Conduct, p. 231. 

s Coxe, III. 11-2. 

* Marlb. MSS., p. 39; Coxe, III. 13. 



384 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

promise to inform Godolphin of her final decision rela- 
tive to Hill's appointment. 

In the meantime, Sunderland, Craggs, Walpole, and 
Arthur Maynwaring had conferred together and advised 
the duke to make no more overtures to Anne, a suggestion 
which was at variance with the plans of Somers and the 
lord treasurer. When these two groups got together, a 
noisy session ensued, in which, after much wrangling, 
Godolphin had his way. He immediately renewed his 
solicitations to the queen 1 and succeeded for a season in 
calming the duke's troubled spirit. 

During his period of retirement, Marlborough's deep 
respect for the queen had returned, and he gradually 
abandoned his uncompromising position. In this humble 
spirit, he addressed her. He no longer was anxious to 
resign, but dwelt at length on Abigail's malicious influ- 
ence, 2 insisting that he did not object to Hill's appoint- 
ment in itself, but rather to the agencies promoting it. 

Godolphin and the Whigs continued to demand that 
the duke be allowed complete independence in military 
appointments, but their efforts fell on deaf ears, and only 
served to excite Anne's fears and increase her resentment. 
She gave no heed to the ministers, though they pointed out 
the danger of dismissing the duke in the midst of the war, 
because of a trifling appointment. When she learned, 
however, that Sunderland would introduce a motion in 
parliament against Mrs. Masham, she grew alarmed and, 
seemingly intent upon arousing public resentment against 
the ministry, made formal application to several influ- 
ential Tories and even to a few Jacobites. 3 She also 

iPriv. Cor., I. 295-6; Coxe, III. 14-5. 

2 Conduct, p. 232; Py. Hist., VI. 894-7. Apparently he also wished 
several other ladies removed from the court. Wentworth Papers, p. 102. 

3 Wentivorth Papers, pp. 102-3; Tindal, IV. 186; Loclchart Papers, I. 
316-7. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 385 

wrote Marlborough at once, assuring him of her good 
will and asking him to appear at court. Godolphin, Som- 
ers, and Cowper, fearful of the result of her advances 
toward the Tories, advised the duke to comply at once. 
The Whig leaders held another conference and recom- 
mended conciliatory methods, while Anne, solicitous for 
Mrs. Masham, informed Godolphin that she would no 
longer insist upon Hill's appointment, and asked him to 
inform the duke to this effect, although she firmly refused 
to write to him herself. 1 

By this time, Marlborough had received her concilia- 
tory letter and hurried to Westminster determined to 
follow up his advantage and bring about Mrs. Masham 's 
dismissal. To his surprise, he found that he could count 
only on Sunderland, Cadogan, Meredith, and a few others 
to help him. The moderate Whigs and Godolphin advised 
him to accept Anne 's terms rather than drive her into the 
arms of the Tories. 2 The duke, against his better judg- 
ment, accepted the queen's advances, a concession which 
was for him more than half a defeat. When he returned 
to court, Anne received him most graciously, and he was 
too much the perfect gentleman to display any signs of 
resentment, when nothing was to be gained by such 
uncourtly demeanor. 3 

In this unsatisfactory way, the struggle over Hill 
ended, or rather seemed to end, for the settlement really 
marks the beginning of Anne 's final attempt to free her- 
self from the chains with which the Whigs were trying 
to bind her. 4 Marlborough had saved himself from 

i Coxe, III. 17. 

2 Wentivorih Papers, pp. 104-5; Coxe, III. 19. 

s Conduct, pp. 234-5; Coxe Papers, XXXI. 23; Oldmixon, III. 436-7; 
Coxe, III. 19. 

4 [Green], Memoirs of St. John, pp. 181-2. Before the election was over, 
Anne promised the Duke of Beaufort "that there shall be a thorough 
remove and Mr. Harley says the same. It is believed that Lord Sunderland 



386 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

humiliation in military affairs. Anne did not forget Abi- 
gail's brother "Jack," however, for she soon granted him 
a pension of £1,000, and a little later Marlborough was 
compelled at her express command to make him a briga- 
dier general. 1 

The advantage in the struggle thus lay clearly with the 
queen. She had saved Mrs. Masham from the wrath of 
the Marlboroughs, partly because the junto would not aid 
them in wreaking vengeance upon Abigail. Towards the 
time-serving Whig leaders, Marlborough's attitude be- 
came cooler and more distrustful, because he could not 
depend upon them. The division of opinion over Abigail 
and her brother also helped create a schism within the 
Whig group. Abigail's former dislike of the duchess 2 
now turned into burning hatred, making her a more effi- 
cient ally of Harley than ever. The relations of Anne 
and the duke were once more apparently cordial, although 
Lady Marlborough and Anne were still unreconciled. 
Godolphin had been unable to retain the queen's confi- 
dence in the face of Harley 's growing influence, and the 
junto, especially Sunderland, in threatening to force her 
to dismiss her favorite, lost all hope of gaining her 
confidence. 

Before these heats and resentments had subsided, a 
more important matter than the colonelcy of a regiment 
filled the minds of all at court. In November, 1709, Dr. 
Henry Sacheverell preached a sermon at St. Paul's, up- 
holding the High Church doctrine of passive obedience 

and some others will lose their heads." W. T. Legh MSS. (H. M. C), III. 
270. 

iCoxe, Memoirs of Walpole, II. 11-4; Py. Hist., VI. 894-7. 

zCoxe, III. 21. Cf. Salomon, p. 22; Cooke, Bolingbrolce, I. 104. A proof 
of Sarah 's loss of influence lies in the fact that she rarely came to court 
after this. Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CXXV. 98. Carte records that he was told 
the duchess ' ' was sensible she had lost all her interest with the queen, 
being supplanted by her cousin German." lb. , CCXXXI. f. 46 a . 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 387 

and sarcastically referring to the lord treasurer and 
other Whig ministers as Volpones. 1 The whole tone of 
his discourse was hostile to the ministers, who felt that 
the hairbrained young divine must be summarily pun- 
ished for his presumption. Godolphin, in particular, 
cried for vengeance, and contrary to the judgment of 
Somers and Marlborough, the ministry decided to 
impeach Sacheverell. 2 The angry ministers failed to see 
that an attack upon Sacheverell was equivalent to an 
assault upon the High Church, and the Tories made capi- 
tal out of their obtuseness. "The Whigs took it into 
their minds to roast a parson," said Burnet, "and they 
did roast him, but their zeal tempted them to make the 
fire so high that they scorched themselves." 3 While the 
Whigs made ready to try the outspoken preacher, their 
opponents were arousing public sentiment in favor of the 
church. The Tory leaders awoke the drowsy clergy by 
suggesting that Sacheverell 's punishment meant not only 
losing the inestimable right of free speech, but also 
depriving the church of its privileges and political power. 
We have no reason to believe that the Whigs aimed to do 
anything more than to silence the noisy, almost treason- 
able attacks upon the government, and they conducted the 
trial with unusual moderation, tact, and circumspection, 4 
yet Harley's skill changed his opponents into dangerous 
enemies of religion and free speech. 5 No other trial since 
that of the seven bishops had excited so much feeling and 

iPortl. MSS., II. 210; Luttrell, VI. 508; Hearne, II. 304. Wright, 
Caricature History of the Georges, p. 4. Volpone was the hero of Jonson 's 
drama called The Fox, a satire on avarice. 

2 Memoirs of Somers, p. 114; Swift, Change of Ministry; Burnet, V. 
434-6; Thomson, II. 168. Wharton was the moving spirit among the Whigs 
in favor of such proceedings. Burnet, V. 443 ; Luttrell, VI. 524. 

3 See also Cooke, Bolingbroke, I. 103; Eemusat, I. 177. 

4 Kenyon MSS. (II. M. C), p. 444; Wyon, II. 168. 

b Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, ff. 135-6. See Cooke, I. 597. 



388 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

attention, but no attack of this kind, however moderate, 
could withstand the anger of the Anglicans, who were 
urged to violent action by the thoroughly aroused clergy. 
Traffic about Westminster Hall was almost impossible 
on account of the throngs in the streets, seeking to greet 
Sacheverell as he passed to and from his trial. His oppo- 
nents were openly insulted; leading Dissenters were 
placed in jeopardy of life and limb, and much of their 
property, especially their places of worship, 1 was in 
danger of destruction. The women of the church were 
much more active than usual, both in their manifesta- 
tions of hero worship and their part in the agitation at 
the time. 2 The "Whigs were clearly frightened by the 
storm they had so unwittingly raised, but they had no 
option but to continue the trial. As it proceeded, the 
hostility towards the Whigs increased. Anne attended 
the trial regularly and her coach was followed by an 
eager mob, beseeching her to save Sacheverell. So great 
was the feeling that it required all the pressure which the 
ministry and the junto could exert to keep the peers suffi- 
ciently in line to convict Sacheverell. 3 Even then they 
made his sentence purely nominal, thus saving their repu- 
tation for consistency, but displaying their weakness to 

i Add. MSS., 33272, ff. 26-7; Lockhart Papers, I. 311; Impartial View, 
pp. 190-3; Coxe Papers, XXI. 127, sq.; P. C. Keg., LXXXII. 544-7; S. P. 
Dom., Anne, XII. 5-41. 

2 Journal of Stella, February and March, 1710; Annals (1710), p. 265; 
Coke MSS., III. 89-92; Defoe's Review, VIII. 22. 

s Even then such prominent peers as Shrewsbury and Somerset failed to 
vote as the ministry desired. See Parliamentary History (VI.), for the 
official list of voters. Argyle voted against Sacheverell, but favored a light 
sentence. Lockhart Papers, I. 315; A. A. Locke, The Seymour Family, p. 
165; Annals (1710), p. 265. Anne apparently held herself aloof in this 
contest. ' ' I was with my aunt last night on purpose to speak to her about 
Dr. Sacheverell, ' ' wrote Mrs. Masham to Harley, ' ' and asked her if she did 
not let people know her mind on the matter. She said, no, she did not 
meddle one way or the other, and it was her friend's [Harley] advice not 
to meddle." Mackintosh Papers, Add. MSS., 34515, ff. 99-102. 



THE TRIUMPPI OF THE QUEEN 389 

the Tories, who maintained that the trial was a victory 
for the church. Sacheverell was feted and lionized more 
than ever; bonfires were built in London and the provin- 
cial towns in jubilation; enthusiasm for the crown and 
Sacheverell "spread like contagion through all the ranks 
of the people," and no "martyr suffering in the glorious 
cause of civil and religious liberty was ever so much the 
object of public applause and veneration as this wretched 
and fanatical preacher of nonsense, impiety and sedi- 
tion." 1 

This outburst of enthusiasm strengthened Anne's de- 
termination to rid herself of her obnoxious ministers, 
by showing her the strength of the church and the Tories. 
To the political cunning and sagacity of Harley, it opened 
an unparalleled opportunity for disrupting the ministry. 
To him, Sacheverell was a godsend, since the graceless 
preacher could be used as a splendid advance agent for 
the elections. This arrangement suited both the im- 
peached minister and the Tory politicians, for the former 
received an adulation amounting almost to worship; 
whereas the latter reaped the fruits of his labors. 2 

The trial and the triumphal processions did much to 
convince "every peasant and small shopkeeper in the 
land . . . that a Whig, in politics was a republican, and 
in religion an atheist, or still more a dissenter." 3 The 
clergy were greatly alarmed at the danger to their cher- 
ished institutions from the Whigs, and from the Dis- 
senters who always supported the Whigs. "Incendiary 
sermons were preached from the pulpit,"* and the priests 
urged a crusade against the enemies of Christianity and 

i W. Belsham, Memoirs of the House of Hanover, p. 50; Hearne, II. 365; 
Annals (1710), p. 331. 

2 Annals (1710), p. 202; Somerville, Queen Anne, pp. 413-4. 

s Wyon, II. 218. 

4 T. Wright, Caricature History of the Georges, p. 8. See also Burnet, 
V. 412-4. 



390 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

the church. At their suggestion, Anne was deluged with 
petitions and addresses from nearly half the towns, 
expressing the greatest loyalty to Toryism, the church, 
and her royal highness. It may be questioned, however, 
whether such petitions really expressed the sentiments of 
a majority of the people, 1 though they were not without 
significance, since they aided materially in convincing the 
queen that she had the country at her back and could 
safely rid herself of her ministry by dissolving parlia- 
ment. Furthermore, they greatly increased the number 
of Anglicans who became active Tory partisans in the 
election. 

At this juncture, Harley showed his skill by persuad- 
ing Anne that she could gain her ends more surely by 
working slowly, and gradually dismissing her ministers. 
Thus she would render powerless the political organi- 
zation of the hated Whigs, and give the Tories the con- 
trol of the crown patronage, a factor which would cut a 
great figure in the election. Already the tide was turning 
against the ministers. During the trial, Somerset read 
the writing on the wall, and fearful of offending the 
queen, absented himself when the peers voted to find 
Sacheverell guilty. Shrewsbury, his fellow waverer, saw 
more clearly the ultimate results of the ferment and 
joined the Tories in voting for an acquittal. 2 

Shrewsbury promptly received his reward. Godolphin, 
worn out during the trial, had just retired to Newmarket 
to find solace in the company of his highly prized race 
horses, when Anne wrote him that she had found it advis- 
able to dismiss Kent and give the chamberlain's staff to 
Shrewsbury. Her letter is both novel and interesting. 

i Annals (1710), pp. 159-88; Wyon, II. 228. The general tenor of many 
of these petitions shows that they were "inspired" by the Tories. 

2Py. Hist., VI. 886; Paul, p. 56; Coxe, III. 24; A. A. Locke, The Sey- 
mour Family, p. 165. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 391 

She first dwelt upon the great dangers to the government 
from the factions existing at court. ''Since you went to 
Newmarket," she continued, "I have received several 
assurances from . . . Shrewsbury of his readiness to 
serve me and his willingness to come into my service." 
Such overtures pleased Anne's vanity, so she accepted 
his proffer, "having a very good opinion of him and 
believing he may be of great use these troublesome 
times." In breaking this bad news, the queen said, "I 
hope that this change will meet with your approbation, 
which I wish I may ever have in all my actions." The 
only sign of confidence in the entire letter lay in the last 
sentence, ' ' I have not yet declared my intentions of giving 
the staff and key, . . . because I would be the first that 
should acquaint you with it." 1 

Upon the receipt of such disagreeable news, Godolphin 
hurried back from his pleasures, filled in equal degree 
with anger and alarm. Angry, because Anne had never 
given him the slightest inkling of her desires, much less 
required his approval; alarmed, as he had no means of 
knowing how much farther she intended to proceed. 
Before leaving the race course, Godolphin wrote Anne a 
most tedious, complaining letter, 2 which could have no 
immediate effect, as she had already delivered the staff 
to Shrewsbury. 3 In all this, the ministry clearly under- 
stood that Harley and Mrs. Masham were behind the 
queen, because Shrewsbury had joined his fortunes to 
those of Harley. 4 

This addition to the ministry greatly strengthened 

i Marlb. MSS., p. 43. Kent was made ' ' easy in this matter by being 
made a duke. ' ' See also Priv. Cor., II. 411. 

2 Conduct, pp. 248-53. 

3 Carte MSS. (Bodl.), CXXV. 96; Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28041, 
f. 23; Memoirs of the Life and Conduct of Bolingbrole, p. 185. 

* Memoirs of the Life and Conduct of Bolingbrolce, p. 185. Godolphin 
mentioned Harley by name. The duchess complained that Kent, for whom 



392 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

Harley's plans, even though both Marlborough and 
Godolphin foolishly imagined that the vacillating lord 
chamberlain would co-operate with them. 1 Marlborough 
was not optimistic, for he knew that the ministry had lost 
such valuable political allies as Somerset, Argyle, Rivers, 
and Hay. He felt that even with Shrewsbury's aid, the 
ministry could not endure unless he could defeat the 
French, and before that could happen, Anne, inspired by 
her previous efforts, struck again, and this time in a much 
more vital spot. 

In April, 1710, the queen granted a final interview to 
the duchess; a week later she dismissed Kent; next, her 
wrath fell upon another minister, Sunderland, who was 
at once the son-in-law of the Marlboroughs and a member 
of the junto. Sunderland had been forced upon the queen 
under the express condition that he should resign if his 
behavior were not to her liking. He had displeased her, 
not only by his actions in the Scottish elections, but in his 
offensive tactics over Somers's and Hill's appointments. 
Latest of all, he had been the minister to whom had fallen 
the disagreeable duty of quelling the High Church mob 
during Sacheverell's trial. All these things had made 
him persona non grata, and in June, she dismissed him. 
Once more the ministry was powerless to prevail against 
the queen's determination, and Harley had gained 
another victory. In this case, as well as in the fight over 
Hill's promotion, Anne's personal feelings had been 
injured and her success partook fully as much of revenge 
as it did of political expediency. Unheeding the protes- 
tations of Godolphin and the duke, the representations of 

she had done so much, had paid his court to Abigail. Mackintosh Papers, 
Add. MSS., 34518, ff. 53<l-54. 

i Morrison, IV. 148-9. Neither Maynwaring nor Sunderland, however, 
trusted Shrewsbury. Priv. Cor., I. 301-5. Godolphin 's letter to Marl- 
borough is in Coxe Papers, XXXI. 155. 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN 393 

the allies and the threats of the monied interests, Anne 
refused to recall Sunderland. 1 She was now in position 
to take notice of Godolphin 's surly behavior, and seven 
weeks after Sunderland's fall, she disgraced the man who 
had served her so efficiently as the financier of the war. 2 
All criticisms of her latest move availed nothing. With 
the aid of Harley, she had her will. The power of the 
Whigs, as well as that of the ministry was broken and 
"Robin" (Harley) was rewarded by being made chan- 
cellor of the exchequer, under-treasurer, and first-lord 
in the newly established treasury board. At once he com- 
pleted his arrangements for bringing on an election. The 
ensuing canvass was probably the most heated of the 
first half of the century, because to political discontent 
was added religious fanaticism and economic unrest. 
Under Harley 's leadership, the Tories won a decisive 
victory, 3 and a Tory ministry was created which lasted 
until the death of the queen. 

Anne's triumph was complete, as she had overthrown 
the Marlboroughs and the junto. Having been forced to 
give up her favorite minister, she had struggled hard 
against the appointment of Somers, but her husband's 
illness and her own indisposition forced her to give way. 
Each successive appointment thereafter met with greater 
delays, if not with open opposition, until she finally 
assumed the offensive and ordered Marlborough to 
appoint Hill. Foiled in this, she still kept her favorite 
(Mrs. Masham), through whom she communicated with 
Harley. The Sacheverell trial made her aware of her 
power, and Godolphin, like Sunderland, fell before her 

iS. P. Dom., Anne, XIII. 113; Townshend MSS. (H. M. C), p. 67; 
Annals (1710), pp. 231-2; Add. MSS., 33273, f. 35; Coxe Papers, XXXII. 
185; A. A. Locke, The Seymotir Family, p. 166. 

2 Add. MSS., 33273, f. 66; Godolphin Papers, Add. MSS., 28055, f. 432. 

sTindal, IV. 192; Portl. MSS., VII. 20; Wentworth Papers, p. 150. 



394 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

wrath, and the result of the ensuing election assured her 
that she might retain her new Tory ministry in peace, 
without any let or hindrance from the Whigs. This is 
the only period of four years from 1688 to 1770, that the 
Tories enjoyed a complete lease of power. 



CONCLUSIONS: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE 

REIGN 

Since the days of Macaulay, historical writers have been 
prone to look upon the reigns of the Stuart sovereigns as 
novels or dramas, in which the hero, heroine, villain, 
and female accomplice are shadowed forth for the amuse- 
ment of the reader. In portraying the reign of "Good 
Queen Anne," it has been usual to describe an innocent 
queen as a helpless tool in the hands of a designing couple 
from whose greedy clutches she was torn by the heroic 
activity of the Tory leader. Such a view is entirely too 
melodramatic, and neglects the predominant characteris- 
tics of both the hero and the heroine. 

The main interest of this monograph has been domestic 
politics, in which the personal element has been all-im- 
portant; but the true significance of the reign lies far 
deeper than the petty intrigues of partisan government. 
In the thirteen years of Anne's rule, England passed 
through the greatest war Europe had ever seen. English 
soldiers were sent to Flanders, to Germany, and even to 
Spain, in a vast endeavor to crush Louis XIV. Marl- 
borough and Eugene saved Europe from a catastrophe 
then, just as surely as Wellington and Bliicher did a cen- 
tury later. In this war, Marlborough did much to " re- 
trieve" the prestige which England had lost through the 
trickery of her Stuart kings. At the close of the long 
drawn out contest, England was in a position to make 
herself felt in the councils of the nations, and gain an 
influence she has never lost from that day to this. In the 
peace negotiations, Great Britain played a conspicuous 



396 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

part. Even if she did not secure as many advantages as 
she might have exacted, the treaty of Utrecht marks a 
great advance in England's power, even though its com- 
mercial clauses were thrown out by parliament through 
the organized effort of the trading classes, whose in- 
fluence in party politics was rapidly becoming dominant, 
and whose interests now turned to developing commerce 
in lands beyond the seas. 

Not only by war did England increase her influence; 
the importance of England at home and abroad was 
measurably augmented by the union. No longer was she 
harassed by the danger of an alliance of France and 
Scotland against her; no more need she fear that the 
Scots would set up a dynasty of their own. Nevertheless, 
the union does not mark the end of jealousies between 
the Scotsman and the Englishman. Indeed, it may have 
increased them, for the Scotsman, by his superior educa- 
tion and a wise use of political power, found his way into 
the civil service of England's growing dominions. His 
efficiency as well as his success aroused the envy of his 
fellow Briton from the south, who grumbled that the 
Scots were monopolizing all the better positions in the 
government. But this envy was personal rather than 
national, and much as the individual Scotsman and 
Englishman may have disliked each other, they were from 
this time to be found fighting shoulder to shoulder in an 
attempt to extend the bounds of the British Empire. 

The most significant achievements of the reign were the 
victories of Marlborough and the union of England and 
Scotland. Next in importance was the settlement of the 
Hanoverian succession, which in itself was a great 
accomplishment. All through the reigns of William and 
Anne, there was always on the horizon the threat of a 
Stuart restoration, which would bring not only civil war 
but the menace of Catholicism as well. The peaceful 



THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REIGN 397 

accession of George I, s"o skilfully engineered by the 
Whigs, sounded the death knell to Jacobite hopes. Dy- 
nastic troubles were ended, and the right of the House 
of Hanover to the throne of Great Britain has never 
since been seriously challenged, despite the abortive 
risings of 1715 and 1745. 

The establishment of the succession was not only a 
monument to the Whigs, but it definitely set forth the 
principle that the right to seat or unseat a sovereign lay 
in the power of the British parliament. The position of 
parliament in this reign is peculiar. Always a power to 
be reckoned with, it was nevertheless controlled for the 
most part by the queen and her ministers, who dictated 
its policies. In a few crises like that over the passage 
of the Occasional Conformity Bill and the ratification of 
the treaty of Utrecht, the members of parliament broke 
loose from the shackles of both ministry and party. 

The power of the crown over the House of Commons 
was largely due to the latter 's unrepresentative char- 
acter. Although not so bad as in a later day, when it was 
aptly styled an example of "represented ruins and un- 
represented constituencies, ' ' it was far from being really 
representative even of those who possessed the electoral 
privilege. Many of the commoners owed their seats to 
family influence, and any independent attitude on their 
part was not to be expected. Even the few that were 
elected on a reasonably popular basis, found it greatly 
to their interests to accept offices in the gift of the crown. 
They were thus enrolled among the numbers of the 
"Queen's servants," who were willing to aid the court 
in carrying out its policies, irrespective of their merits. 

Under Anne, there also developed the policy of placing 
all important matters of administration in the hands of 
a first minister. The initiation of this plan was due to 
the fact that the sovereign was a woman, and could not 



398 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

be expected to look after the patronage and elections in 
person. It also had the obvious advantage of centralizing 
responsibility in the hands of one man in a crucial period 
in English history. To Godolphin, Anne gave the task of 
carrying on the government under her direction. He was 
never in reality prime minister, because he divided up the 
exercise of power, at first with Marlborough, and later 
with both Harley and the duke. 

Before the duke and the lord treasurer had been long 
in the control of affairs, they found difficulties of all kinds 
confronting them. Their attempts to govern without 
reference to parties soon proved a failure. The Tories 
were entirely too strong for them, and they attempted to 
administer the government with the aid of the moderates 
of both parties. Again party ties were too strong and 
they were forced to form a working agreement with the 
nascent Whig organization. Even this plan shortly 
became impracticable, principally because the two minis- 
ters refused to obey the behests of the junto. Any real 
cohesion of the Whig leaders with the lord treasurer and 
the duke was impossible, and this lack of unity in the 
ministerial ranks gave Harley his opportunity to over- 
throw the Godolphin ministry in 1710. 

The Tories, who had been disgraced in the first two 
years of the reign, had learned their lesson. They 
realized for the first time the necessity of a close party 
organization under a leader who could demand obedience. 
The adoption of this plan brought them victory at the 
polls in 1710, and a four years' lease of power. It also 
permitted the queen to select a leading minister entirely 
to her liking, whom they followed obediently, although 
not always willingly, until the close of the reign. The 
difference in the ministry of Harley and that of Godol- 
phin lay in the fact that Godolphin was a minister above 
parties, whereas Harley was the minister of a single 



THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REIGN 399 

party to which he could appeal for aid when difficulties 
confronted him. 

Harley's ministry shows that party organizations were 
becoming more fixed. A group of party leaders became 
differentiated; party membership attained reasonable 
stability, and party principles assumed an increasingly 
definite form. Before his ministry, the Tories suffered 
from the lack of organization and adequate leadership. 
The Whigs had been held together by the political ability 
and ingenuity of the men who made up the junto. Their 
need was for a single leader, because no one of the five 
seemed able to make his personality felt above that of 
the other four. When they had been forced into seclu- 
sion for four years by the intrigues of Harley, the Whigs 
had sufficient leisure to reflect upon the weaknesses of 
their party. They did their best to remedy them, and so 
far succeeded that at Anne 's death they were able to seize 
the power from the hand of the Tories and retain un- 
broken their ascendancy under such leaders as Walpole 
and Newcastle until George III broke their power. 

The gradual development of party organizations was 
accompanied by a greatly increased interest in elections. 
The four elections from 1702 to 1710 were of more im- 
portance than any held since 1679, because upon their 
outcome depended to some degree the continuance of the 
war. The importance of the commercial classes in poli- 
tics steadily increased. In each succeeding election, the 
English people manifested more independence at the 
polls, a characteristic which boded ill for the future of the 
political manager, but had little immediate effect beyond 
increasing the price of seats, and consequently the 
amount of corruption in borough elections. 

Although the tendency of the latter part of the reign 
was to emphasize the party rather than the individual, the 
personal element in English politics was its dominant 



400 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

feature in the first eight years, on account of the influence 
of the sovereign whose personality stamps the reign. 
Being a woman, courtiers did not anticipate that she 
would take any interest in politics. In this they were 
much mistaken. Anne was the last English sovereign to 
refuse to sanction a bill passed by parliament. She not 
only made it a point to be present at the meetings of the 
Privy Council and cabinet council, but repeatedly at- 
tended parliament when important measures were pend- 
ing. She paid careful attention to the crown patronage, 
and frequently named the men who should fill important 
offices in the government. In all her activity, she never 
sought to show her authority unnecessarily, for she 
always preferred the substance of power to the appear- 
ance of it. Whenever possible, her disposition was to 
avoid responsibility, a characteristic which was accen- 
tuated by the critical condition of her health. 

However, Anne never attempted to shift responsibility 
for any act, when her own prerogative was concerned. 
Whenever her power was touched, she was always alert. 
In cases where her authority had been flouted, she was 
prone to be vindictive. In turn, practically every im- 
portant figure in the political arena injured her feelings. 
The first was Rochester, her only important relative who 
remained loyal to the government, who, becoming angry 
because Anne failed to recognize his supposedly tran- 
scendent ability, neglected to treat his niece with the 
respect due his sovereign, and was forced not only to 
quit the ministry, but the Privy Council as well. Notting- 
ham was an ardent Highflier of whom she was very fond. 
He presumed too much upon her fanatical devotion to the 
church, and, like Rochester, soon found himself without 
a place at her council board. Buckingham, her old 
favorite, relied upon her friendship to excuse his intrigu- 
ing against Godolphin, and he was forthwith cast into 



THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REIGN 401 

outer darkness. The attachment of Seymour to the 
church Anne loved so well did not avail to save him from 
disgrace, when he joined with Rochester and Nottingham. 

Anne's nearest and dearest friend was Sarah Jennings, 
later Duchess of Marlborough. Nevertheless, Lady 
Marlborough's arrogance and discourtesy not only cost 
her the friendship of the playmate of her youth, but led 
to her public disgrace at the hands of the woman she had 
helped to make queen. Sarah's son-in-law resembled her 
in disposition. He, too, treated Anne with open marks of 
disrespect and was dismissed at the first favorable oppor- 
tunity. Like Sunderland, Somers had been forced upon 
her, and he met a similar fate. Even Godolphin, in the 
course of time, became querulous in his behavior, and, 
despite his faithfulness, was dismissed with all the pos- 
sible signs of disgrace. Marlborough, careful as he was 
not to offend the queen, found it impossible to champion 
his wife's cause and retain Anne's confidence; conse- 
quently, as soon as the military situation would permit, 
he was summarily dismissed from the head of the very 
army over which he had sought to be a military dictator. 
Harley had gained the closest friendship of the queen. 
In 1708 she made a hard fight to keep him in the ministry ; 
in 1710 he became her leading minister, but in 1714 she 
consented to part with him, because his habit of coming 
to the council in a high state of intoxication reflected upon 
her administration. Bolingbroke had forced Harley 's 
resignation, and fully expected to succeed him ; yet almost 
with her dying breath, Anne refused to dignify as head 
of the ministry a man who prided himself on being one 
of the greatest libertines of his age, and she chose 
Shrewsbury instead. 

Throughout the long list of statesmen, not one had 
offended her who did not live to repent of his actions. 
While Anne never forgot a favor, she as zealously re- 



402 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

membered her injuries, and never failed to wreak her 
vengeance on the offenders. And curiously enough, it 
was not until she had punished all her enemies and re- 
warded all her friends that "Good Queen Anne" was 
gathered to her fathers. 

With the possible exception of the queen, the most 
interesting woman in England during the first quarter 
of the eighteenth century was Sarah, Duchess of Marl- 
borough. Historians for more than three generations 
have assumed that she was the power behind the throne, 
while in reality, neither the duke nor the queen would 
permit her to exercise any great amount of political 
authority. When she did attempt to interfere in political 
affairs, she was brought into conflict with Anne, who was 
forced to dismiss her. 

Godolphin was far more than the political agent of the 
Marlboroughs. He did act in conjunction with the duke, 
but rarely called the duchess in counsel on important 
political matters. Early in the reign, Godolphin 's need 
of political advice led him to ask Harley for aid. As long 
as he relied on the secretary, the lord treasurer experi- 
enced no difficulty in dealing with parliament and the 
junto, but as soon as Harley was dismissed, he found it 
almost impossible to carry out his policies. 

Throughout Anne's reign, Marlborough, when in Eng- 
land, was associated with Godolphin, but he exerted more 
power than the lord treasurer because he possessed 
greater political astuteness. He might have exercised 
greater authority, had he chosen, but his interests were 
not political, and he realized that his unpopularity pre- 
cluded his playing the part of a political manager. He 
fell from power, not on account of his own shortcomings, 
but because of Godolphin 's ineptitude and his wife's 
tactlessness. 

Harley stands as the first politician of the reign. 



THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REIGN 403 

Attaining political prominence at its beginning, he in- 
creased his influence until the ' ' triumvirate ' ' was formed, 
probably as early as 1703. From that time until his fall 
five years later, he was a moving political force at the 
cabinet councils. Forced into retirement against Anne's 
wishes, he at once began to intrigue against the ministry, 
and after two years of sleepless activity, he succeeded in 
displacing the men who had raised him to power, and in 
forcing the junto into retirement. 

The political importance of another man has been 
greatly neglected, probably because he worked so secretly 
under Harley's directions. Defoe was a host in himself. 
Not only was he a pamphleteer and journalist of the first 
rank, but he was an efficient political agent, without whom 
Harley could never have accomplished what he did in 
the political arena. 

From the constitutional point of view, the reign is 
important, not alone for the development of the office of 
first minister, but in the increasing influence exerted by 
the small group, here called the "triumvirate," in pre- 
paring government policies for the meetings of the more 
formal cabinet councils. These cabinet councils in- 
creased in number and importance during the early years 
of the reign, displaying a constant tendency towards 
unity of action, in the face of the rapidly growing power 
of the two political organizations. 



LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED IN CITATIONS 

Since many of the works cited exist in numerous edi- 
tions and others have long titles so characteristic of the 
eighteenth century, the following abbreviations have 
been employed for the sake of clearness and brevity. 

A. H. B. American Historical Review, 

Anglice Notitia. Edward Chamberlayne, Anglios, Notitia, or the Present State 

of England. 
Annals. Abel Boyer, History of the Beign of Queen Anne digested into 

Annals (1704-1714). 
Add. MSS. Additional Manuscripts, British Museum. 
Bath MSS. Bath Manuscripts, Historical Manuscripts Commission Beports. 

B. M. The British Museum, London. 
Bodl. The Bodleian Library, Oxford. 

Boyer. Abel Boyer, History of the Beign of Queen Anne (1722). 

Burnet. Gilbert Burnet, History of My Own Time (1823). 

Burton. J. Hill Burton, The History of the Beign of Queen Anne (1880). 

C. J. The Journals of the House of Commons. 

Chamberlen. Paul Chamberlen, Impartial History of the Life and Beign of 
Queen Anne (1738). 

Coke. Koger Coke, A Detection of the Court and State of England (1719- 
1729). 

CoJce MSS. (Historical Manuscripts Commission Beports) otherwise known 
as Cowper Manuscripts. 

Colville. (Mrs.) Arthur Colville, Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough (1904). 

Conduct. An Account of the Conduct of the Dowager Duchess of Marl- 
borough (1742). 

Cooke. George Wingrove Cooke, History of Party (1836). 

Coxe. William Coxe, Memoirs of John, Dulce of Marlborough (1847). 

Coxe Papers. Coxe Papers, Additional Manuscripts, British Museum. 

Cunningham. Alexander Cunningham, The History of Great Britain from 
the Revolution to 1714 (1787). 

D. N. B. The Dictionary of National Biography. 

E. H. R. English Historical Review. 

H. M. C. Beports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. 
Hearne. C. E. Doble & D. W. Bannie (editors), Bemarlcs and Collections of 
Thomas Hearne (1885-1895). 



ABBREVIATIONS USED IN CITATIONS 405 

James. G. P. K. James (editor), Letters Illustrative of the Beign of 

William III (1841). 
Kent. C. B. E. Kent, Early History of the Tories (1908). 
Leadam. I. S. Leadam, Political History of England, vol. IX (1900). 
Lecky. W. E. H. Lecky, History of England in the Eighteenth Century 

(1878-1890). 
L. J. The Journals of the House of Lords. 
Lord. W. F. Lord, "The Development of Political Parties During the 

Eeign of Queen Anne," Transactions Eoyal Historical Society (1900). 
Luttrell. N. Luttrell, A Brief Relation of State Affairs (1857). 
Macpherson. James Macpherson, Original Papers (1775). 
Macaulay. T. B. Macaulay, History of England (Firth ed.). 
Mahon. Philip Henry Stanhope (Lord Mahon), History of England 1701- 

1713 (1870). 
Marlb. MSS. Marlborough Manuscripts, Historical Manuscripts Commis- 
sion Eeport, VIII. 
Morrison. Alfred Morrison, Catalogue of Manuscripts Collections (edited 

by A. W. Thibadeau, 1883). 
Other Side. Other Side of the Question, etc. (1742). 

Priv. Cor. Private Correspondence of the Duchess of Marlborough (1838). 
Py. Hist. Cobbett, Parliamentary History of England from the Earliest 

Period to the Year 1803 (1810). 
Portl. MSS. Portland Manuscripts, Historical Manuscripts Commission 

Eeports, XIII-XV. 
P. E. O. Public Eecord Office, London. 

Eeid. S. Eeid, John and Sarah, Duke and Duchess of Marlborough (1914). 
Eemusat. C. F. Eemusat, Histoire d'Angleterre au Huitieme Steele (1857). 
Eijks Archief. Ar chief van der Heim, Eadtpensionarius Heinsius, Allge- 

meine Eijks Archief, den Haag. 
Eyan. P. F. W. Eyan, Queen Anne and Her Court (1908). 
Salomon. Felix Salomon, Geschichte des Letzten Ministeriums Konigin 

Annas von England (1894). 
S. P. Dom. State Papers Domestic, Public Eecord Office. 
S. P. Foreign. State Papers Foreign, Public Eecord Office. 
Sharp. Sharp, The Life of John Sliarp, Archbishop of York (1825). 
Shrewsbury Cor. William Coxe, Shrewsbury Correspondence, Private and 

Original (1821). 
Strickland. (Miss) Agnes Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England (1842- 

1852). 
Thomas. E. Thomas, The Life of the Duke of Marlborough (1839). 
Thomson. (Mrs.) A. T. Thomson, Memoirs of the Duchess of Marlborough 

(1839). 
Timberland. Ebenezer Timberland (publisher), The History of the Pro- 
ceedings of the House of Lords, 1660-1742 (1742). 
Von Noorden. Europaische Geschichte in Achtsehnten Jahrhundert (1870). 



406 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Wyon. F. W. Wyon, History of Great Britain during the Beign of Queen 
Anne (1876). 

In most instances, quotations and book titles have 
been modernized in capitalization and punctuation in 
consonance with the canons of the Historical Manuscripts 
Commission Reports. Dates are given according to New 
Style. 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 

The works noted below are those only which were 
found most useful and suggestive, as the writer has in 
preparation a comprehensive bibliography of the reign 
of Queen Anne. Meanwhile, the student will find an 
excellent essay upon authorities in Hunt and Poole, 
Political History of England, vol. IX, 1702-1760, by I. S. 
Leadam, pp. 507-9. 

I. BlBLIOGKAPHICAL AlDS 

For the manuscripts in the British Museum, the cata- 
logues and indexes of the Harleian, Lansdowne, and 
Additional Manuscripts collections render nearly all the 
materials readily accessible, while the voluminous sub- 
ject catalogue makes available the manuscripts on any 
particular topic. At the Bodleian, the Summary Cata- 
logue of Western Manuscripts, prepared by F. A. Madan, 
is useful, but the valuable Carte Manuscripts are more ac- 
cessible through the Chronological Catalogue (in manu- 
script) prepared by Mr. Edward Edwards. A guide to 
the valuable collection at Blenheim Castle may be found 
in the Eighth Report of the Historical Manuscripts Com- 
mission. Unfortunately the only aid to the rich archives 
at the Hague is in manuscript, but it is of considerable 
value. The archives at the Public Record Office are more 
conveniently accessible through excellent printed indexes. 
The bibliographies at the close of the sketches in the 
Dictionary of National Biography are, in the main, of 
great value. The chapter bibliographies in the Cam- 



408 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

bridge Modern History are also well selected, and those 
in the Cambridge History of English Literature are most 
satisfactory for the literary side. 

Some bibliographies on particular phases of the reign 
are available. Miss Alice E. Murray's History of the 
Commercial and Financial Relations between Ireland and 
England since 1688 contains a carefully selected list of 
works on Anglo-Irish history. For students of diplo- 
matic history the Historical Manuscripts Commission 
has done a valuable service in its Eighteenth Report (pp. 
391-4) by arranging chronologically both the materials 
which it had already published and those remaining in 
manuscript in the British Museum. G. L. Wickham- 
Legg and J. F. Chance have each prepared bibliographies 
on diplomacy and foreign affairs. Coxe's Marlborough 
contains a list of works on military history. For the 
general religious aspects of the reign, the student is 
referred to F. W. Wilson's The Importance of the Reign 
. . . in Church History. The Sacheverell trial is best 
studied with the aid of Mr. Madan's comprehensive 
bibliography. For earlier materials, the Bibliotheca 
Britannica (London, 1817), 2 vols., contains a topical list 
of works issued in England up to the date of publication. 
The titles of pamphlets bearing on the earlier years of 
the reign are found in the Lincoln's Inn pamphlet cata- 
logue. More important as a guide is Edward Arber's 
Term Catalogues, 3 vols., which contains book lists pub- 
lished each quarter during the reign to 1709, with a few 
lists for the first quarter of 1711. Still more valuable is 
S. J. Reid's Catalogue of Historical Tracts, 1561-1800, 
found in the Redpath Library of McGill University. At 
Yale University is a manuscript catalogue of "College 
Pamphlets," while the Wagner Collection there is ar- 
ranged chronologically, as are many of the volumes of 
pamphlets at the Bodleian. 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 409 

II. The Source Materials 
Unpublished Manuscripts 

The unpublished manuscripts of this reign are abun- 
dant, and some of those in the British Museum, the Public 
Record Office, the Bodleian, and the Rijks Archief have 
been utilized in this work. The Coxe, Ellis, Godolphin, 
and Mackintosh Papers in the British Museum were 
found most useful, and in the Bodleian, the Carte Manu- 
scripts for the period proved to be unstudied material. 
Many items previously inaccessible are found in the 
Public Record Office, and much new material was dis- 
covered in the Rijks Archief at the Hague. Not only were 
many particular statements of interest uncovered in 
these different archives, but an idea was gained of how 
such individual statesmen as Nottingham, Harley, and 
Godolphin conducted their business as cabinet ministers. 

Archief van der Heim, Radtpensionarius Heinsius, 
Rijks Archief den Haag, furnished the letters to the Dutch 
government of Hermitage, Buys, Vryberge, and others. 
They contain much valuable material relative to English 
political affairs, but little of which has hitherto been used. 
Vols. 26 A , 36 B , 41 B , 44 B , 47 B , 50 B , and 52 were particularly 
valuable. The Carte Manuscripts (Bodl.) are mainly 
concerned with an earlier period, but there are a dozen 
large volumes dealing with Anne's reign. They are 
strong on Jacobite intrigues. Some of the letters are 
printed in Macpherson's Original Papers. Coxe Papers, 
Additional Manuscripts (B. M.), 9078-9283, are really 
transcripts made by Archdeacon Coxe and his helpers in 
the preparation of his accurate memoirs of Marlborough 
and others. Coxe's comments add value to many of the 
letters he copied. Egerton Manuscripts (B. M.), 1695, 
contains some original letters of the Duke of Shrewsbury 
and the Duchess of Marlborough. Ellis Papers, Addi- 



410 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

tional Manuscripts (B. M.), 28875-28956, contain official 
and private correspondence of John Ellis, assistant 
secretary of state for a considerable period. Most of 
the letters refer to the reign of William, but many deal 
with Anne's reign. Godolphin Papers, Additional 
Manuscripts (B. M.), 28052, 28055-70, consist of the 
correspondence of Sidney, Earl of Godolphin. These 
manuscripts make up a part of the large collection of 
Godolphin-Osborne Papers. Hanover Papers, from the 
Stowe Manuscripts (B. M.), 222-227, are of great value 
for the diplomatic relations of Great Britain and Han- 
over (1705-1714). A large part of them are printed by 
Macpherson in his Original Papers. Harleian Manu- 
scripts (B. M.), vols. 2262, 6584, 7526, contain scattered 
bits on the political life of the time. Vol. 6584 consists 
mainly of the original draft of Burnet's History of His 
Own Times. Hatton-Finch Papers, Additional Manu- 
scripts (B. M.), 29548-96, are made up of the correspond- 
ence of the families of Hatton and Finch. Most of the 
letters deal with an earlier period, but a considerable 
number are of importance for this reign. Lansdowne 
Manuscripts (B. M.), 1236, contains interesting letters 
from Queen Anne, Sunderland, Sophia, and the Elector 
of Hanover. Folios 547 and 548 deal with controverted 
elections. Lister Manuscripts (Bodl.) has a few letters 
of Sarah Jennings to her uncle, Dr. Martin Lister. 
Mackintosh Papers, Additional Manuscripts (B. M.), 
34487 to 34526, are a collection of transcripts by James 
Mackintosh. Vols. VII-XIII contain copies of the dis- 
patches of the French representatives in England to their 
home government, 1710-1714. Vol. XXIX has several 
letters of Mrs. Masham to Harley, most of which have 
been printed in the Portland Manuscripts. Vol. XXIII 
contains extracts from the Blenheim Papers. Notting- 
ham Papers, Additional Manuscripts (B. M.), 29588-9, 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 411 

29594-5, contain letters addressed to Daniel Finch, Earl 
of Nottingham, an important political figure in the early 
years of Anne's reign. His correspondence is valuable 
for the light it sheds upon the cabinet council. The 
Privy Council Register (vols. LXXIX-LXXXV) is the 
official record of the meetings of the Privy Council, but, 
unfortunately, it is but little more than a formal state- 
ment of the things done at the meetings. State Papers, 
Domestic, Anne (P. R. 0.), 27 vols., contain much fugi- 
tive material. State Papers, Foreign, Foreign Ministers 
(in England), consist mainly of the stereotyped formal 
notes of foreign ministers to the English government. 
State Papers, Foreign, German States, Hanover and 
Prussia (P. R. 0.), contain the letters of the representa- 
tives of the English government at the Hanoverian and 
Prussian courts to the secretaries of state in London. 
Stepney Papers, Additional Manuscripts (B. M.), 7058-9, 
7061-79, are for the most part letters to and from George 
Stepney, probably the greatest English diplomat of his 
time. Strafford Papers, Additional Manuscripts (B. M.), 
22183-22267, contain papers relating to the Wentworth 
and Johnson families, and deal with the official and politi- 
cal life of the Earl of Strafford, an important English 
minister in the latter part of the reign. Wharton Manu- 
scripts (Bodl.) is made up mostly of transcripts of the 
sources and secondary accounts dealing with the Wharton 
family. Willis Manuscripts (Bodl.) consists of papers 
collected by Brooks Willis and are useful on parlia- 
mentary elections. 

Correspondence, etc. 

Since the publication of the more recent works upon 
the reign, the Historical Manuscripts Commission has 
made noteworthy contributions to the materials for 
this period. Particularly is this true of the Portland 



412 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

Manuscripts, several volumes of which have appeared 
in the last twenty years. The Bath Manuscripts, the 
Coke Manuscripts, and the Buccleugh Manuscripts are 
also of great value. Only a few of the more recent Eng- 
lish and German writers have had access to these and 
other reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, 
which is the more unfortunate in that these reports 
shed considerable light on the lives of Queen Anne, 
Godolphin, and Harley, whose political activities cannot 
be understood unless these well-filled volumes are care- 
fully studied. Several miscellaneous sources of im- 
portance have been published in the past score of years, 
such as Morrison's Autograph Collection and Hearne's 
Collections, while the biography of John Sharp has 
apparently been overlooked, although it was published 
nearly a century ago. 

The Marquis of Ailesbury Manuscripts (H. M. C, 
1897) is valuable for the information it contains regard- 
ing corruption in elections. Marquis of Bath Manu- 
scripts (H. M. C, 1904) contains many important letters 
of Harley and Godolphin, previously unpublished. Buc- 
cleugh Manuscripts (H. M. C, 1913), vol. II, pt. ii, con- 
tains some of Shrewsbury's correspondence. The 
Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1702-3, though dis- 
appointing because it lacks an introduction, prints care- 
fully selected materials from all kinds of domestic papers. 
Coke Manuscripts (H. M. C, 1888-9) contains the papers 
of Thomas Coke, an active politician, and gives an excel- 
lent picture of the political life of the times. W. Coxe, 
Private and Original Correspondence of . . . the Duke of 
Shrewsbury (1821) prints, unfortunately, but few letters 
for Anne's reign. Remarks and Collections of Thomas 
Hearne, 1705-24 (Doble and Rannie, eds., 1885-1895), 5 
vols., concerns Thomas Hearne, an Oxford scholar and 
antiquarian, who held some semi-official position in the 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 413 

Bodleian Library. His diary and the accompanying 
letters are most illuminative of the life of an eighteenth- 
century scholar. The Letter-Books of John Hervey (first 
baron of Bristol) (1884), 3 vols., together with his Diary, 
sheds light upon the business affairs of the gentry. The 
Diplomatic Correspondence of Richard Hill (W. Black- 
ley, ed., 1885), 2 vols., brings one into touch with diplo- 
matic affairs in southern Europe. Letters Illustrative 
of the Reign of William III, 1696-1708 (G. P. R. James, 
ed., 1841), 3 vols., is suggestive and important. The 
Private Correspondence of Sarah, Duchess of Marl- 
borough (2d ed., 1838), 2 vols., is of inestimable value for 
the inner history of political intrigue from 1705 to 1710. 
The Marlborough Manuscripts (H. M. C, 1881) is very 
important in showing the relations of the queen with the 
duchess and the duke, as well as with Harley and Godol- 
phin. Catalogue of the Autograph Letters in the Col- 
lection formed by Alfred Morrison (A. W. Thibaudeau, 
ed., privately printed, 1883), 13 vols., prints in full im- 
portant letters of Harley, Marlborough, and the queen. 
It is a very rare and valuable work. Portland Manu- 
scripts, vols. II-VIII (H. M. C, 1892-1902), contains 
the correspondence of the Harley family and is of great 
service in understanding the political life of the epoch. 
The correspondence herein contained between Harley and 
Godolphin is extensive and valuable. Wentworth 
Papers (J. J. Cartwright, ed., 1883) contains the letters 
of Peter Wentworth, the besotted brother of the Earl of 
Strafford, and is useful in connection with the election 
of 1710. 

Memoirs and Historical Works 

By far the greater number of secondary works have 
been based upon the Parliamentary History, and the his- 
tories of Boyer and Burnet. Indeed, most of the nearly 



414 ENGLISH POLITICAL PARTIES 

contemporary works are also largely dependent upon 
these three sources. 

Abel Boyer, History of the Reign of Queen Anne 
(1722), is a species of abridgement of the Annals and 
Political State referred to below. It is dull and uninter- 
esting, but contains many important facts, particularly 
in connection with the official and military side of the 
reign. Gilbert Burnet, History of My Own Time (1823), 
6 vols., is the best edition of this famous work, and con- 
tains notes by Swift, Hardwicke, Onslow, and Dartmouth. 
It is rather a species of memoir than a true history, and 
its bias is to some extent corrected by reference to the 
original draft, which has been edited by H. C. Foxcroft, 
in a Supplement to Burnet (1902). Edmund Calamy, 
Historical Account of My Own Life (1829), 2 vols., is the 
autobiography of a stanch non-conformist, and casts light 
upon the lives of the Dissenters. Paul Chamberlen, An 
Impartial History of the Life and Reign of Queen Anne 
(1738) is one of the best contemporary histories. Roger 
Coke, A Detection of the Court and State of England 
during the Reigns of the Stuarts (1719-29), 3 vols., is 
another excellent work. The Private Diary of William, 
Lord Cowper (1823), is particularly important for in- 
formation dealing with the cabinet council. The only 
copy available in the United States is, as far as I know, 
in the Athenaeum, Boston. Narcissus Luttrell's A Brief 
Relation of State Affairs, 1678-1714 (1857), 6 vols., is a 
sort of tri-weekly diary of important happenings, and 
has proved of much value. The Account of the Conduct 
of Sarah, Dowager Duchess of Marlborough (1742), is 
really the autobiography of the duchess and is invaluable 
for the study of the reign. Thomas Sharp's Life of John 
Sharp, Archbishop of York (1825), 2 vols., is mainly made 
up of extracts from the archbishop's diary, and shows 
how intimate he was with the queen. 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 415 

Periodicals and Pamphlets 

Practically all the leading newspapers of the period 
were party organs, engaged primarily in promoting the 
interests of political parties. Beyond utilizing the writ- 
ings of Swift, historians of the Stuart period, Macaulay 
alone excepted, have made very little use of these 
papers. Yet, the pages of the Examiner, the Medley, 
the Whig Examiner, the Rehearsal, and even the Taller, 
are instructive and amusing in their reflections upon the 
vicissitudes of the political game. Defoe 's Review, issued 
tri-weekly (1704-1711), 8 vols., has been in particular 
most suggestive on commercial and financial matters. 
It acts as a notable supplement and corrective to the 
letters of John Drummond in the Portland Manuscripts, 
and to the letters of Bolingbroke. All these, together 
with the reports of trade and finance found in the tracts 
of the time and the pages of the Evening Post, give one 
a view of the period which is not obtainable elsewhere. 
For the official and semi-official notices, the London 
Gazette and the Postman are valuable. Equally so is 
Edward and John Chamberlayne's Anglim Notitia (pub- 
lished almost every second year, 1669-1755), which is a 
compendium of useful information regarding affairs in 
general, including the government and its officials. Abel 
Boyer's History of the Reign digested into Annals, is a 
review of important events month by month, and was 
succeeded by the Political State, which is fuller and more 
satisfactory. 

Comparatively little use has hitherto been made of the 
extensive pamphlet materials of the reign. Such writers 
as Addison, Arbuthnot, Swift, Defoe, Thomas Burnet, 
and Leslie wrote extensively on all phases of English 
affairs. Fortunately, both American and British libra- 
ries are rich in these tracts. At Yale University is the 



416 ENGLISH POLITICAL PAETIES 

Wagner Collection of economic pamphlets, which is sup- 
plemented by hundreds of volumes of "College Pam- 
phlets." McGill and Harvard Universities have large 
numbers also. None of these libraries, of course, pos- 
sess such valuable collections as the British Museum or 
the Bodleian, but their collections are far more extensive 
than it is usually supposed. John Arbuthnot's Law is 
a Bottomless Pit (1712) is a covert attack upon the 
French and Dutch, as well as a discussion of the peace 
preliminaries. Defoe's Conduct of Parties in England 
(1712) maintains that the junto first undermined Marl- 
borough and Godolphin and thus made it possible for 
the Tories to overthrow them. His Shortest Way with 
the Dissenters (1703) thoroughly aroused the Anglicans 
against him. A Supplement to Faults on Both Sides 
(1710) seems to be moderately Tory, or moderately Whig, 
and the writer hoped for a coalition ministry under 
Harley as chief minister. James Drake's The Memorial 
of the Church of England (1705) attacks the ministry for 
its attitude on occasional conformity. Faults on Both 
Sides (1710) is very moderate and fair in its tone, and 
brought forth many replies and rejoinders. Other Side 
of the Question is a caustic criticism of An Account of the 
Conduct. A Review of a late Treatise, etc. (1742), is a 
bitter reflection upon the career of the Duchess of Marl- 
borough while in public employment. The Somers' 
Tracts, 13 vols., contains many pamphlets of the reign of 
Anne. John Toland's Memorial of the State of Great 
Britain (1705) is a reply to a Memorial of the Church of 
England. 



INDEX 



Admiralty, investigations of, 176, 
179, 265, 308; inefficiency of, 
176-8; junto threatens to inves- 
tigate, 342; reorganization of, 
372 
Age of Anne, importance of, 7 
Anne, Queen of England, appearance 
and habits of, 27 ; childhood of, 
28; children of, 28, 57; piety 
of, 29, 30, 32; deserts her 
father, 29-32; relations of with 
the Duchess of Marlborough, 
29-33, 184-225, 261, 305, 358- 
70; feeling of toward Mary of 
Modena, 30, 32; economy of, 
33 ; demands a parliamentary 
settlement, 34; bestows dow- 
ries, 34, 69; quarrels with 
Mary II, 35-42; determination 
of, 38, 40-2, 45, 88, 90, 93, 104, 
173, 175, 193, 283, 305, 348, 
369; loyalty of toward Lady 
Marlborough, 39-41; ill-treated 
by William III, 40, 43; ap- 
points Lady Marlborough groom 
of stole, 44, 68; makes Marl- 
borough captain general, 44; 
characterizations of, 45-6; rela- 
tives of, 57; accession of, 59; 
compared with Elizabeth, 59; 
first speech of to parliament, 
61-4; theory of as to the pre- 
rogative, 63-5 ; favors the 
union, 65, 153-4; first ministry 
of, 67-70, 205; wishes to ap- 
point her husband, 68 ; creates 
five new peers, 70; attitude of 
toward Godolphin, 72, 308; re- 
turns part of parliamentary 
grant, 74; gives up first-fruits 
and tenths, 75; part of in the 



election of 1702, 78; speech of 
to parliament, 84; meets Harley 
in secret, 84, 249, 260; desires 
harmony between the houses, 
88, 91; fails to support second 
Occasional Conformity Bill, 89; 
angry at Highfliers and "tack- 
ers," 89-93, 100; dismisses 
Highfliers, 100-3, 108, 195; tact 
of, 89, 96, 99, 104, 200, 305; 
speeches of to parliament, 106- 
7 ; attends debates in parlia- 
ment, 107; dismisses more 
Tories, 128-30; opposes appoint- 
ment of Sunderland, 129, 198- 
201 ; admits "Whigs to ministry, 
130, 195, 197, 354; appoints 
Sunderland, 130, 202; interest 
of in appointments, 136, 295; 
attitude of toward Pretender, 
137-9; unfriendly to Hanove- 
rians, 139-45, 283-4; increase in 
power of, 148, 320; relations 
with the Church, 159-74, 210; 
interest of in filling benefices, 
160, 210; feeling of toward 
Dissenters, 163; hostile toward 
Whigs, 165, 348; fills two sees, 
171-5, 305; dismisses Harley, 
181, 242, 315; favorites of, 
192-5, 203; dissembles her feel- 
ings, 193; sullenness of, 202; 
forbids sale of places, 204; 
jealous of Abigail, 214, 261; 
present at marriage of Abi- 
gail, 216; champions Abigail 
against duchess, 217-22, 366, 
368; interest of in diplomatic 
appointments, 235 ; desires 
peace, 236; wishes to change 
her ministry, 312; sympathetic 



418 



INDEX 



to Greg, 312; dismisses Harley, 
314; retains Mrs. Masham, 315, 
354; supports the Bank, 319; 
indisposition of, 320, 344, 350, 
355; opposes Somers, 326-30, 
335, 341-8; appeals to Marl- 
borough, 329, 358, 369; criti- 
cizes Sunderland, 337, 342; 
active against junto, 344; re- 
gains Marlborough 's support, 
345 ; Whig pleas fail with, 351 ; 
appoints Montagu, Wharton 
and Somers, 353; death of hus- 
band of, 353; asked to marry 
again, 356 ; approached by Jaco- 
bites, 357; quarrel with duchess, 
358-70; interview with duchess, 
361; slights Lady Marlborough, 
365, 369; favors Duchess of 
Somerset, 368; final interview 
with duchess, 369; objects to 
change in Admiralty, 372; in- 
sists on appointment of Hill, 
380; alarmed by attack on Mrs. 
Masham, 384; letter of to 
Marlborough, 385; grants pen- 
sion to Hill, 386 ; determined to 
change ministry, 389; appoints 
Shrewsbury, 390; letter of to 
Godolphin, 391 ; dismisses Sun- 
derland and Godolphin, 392-3; 
general triumph of, 393-4, 400-2 
Ashby vs. White. See Aylesbury 

case 
Atterbury, Dr. Francis, character of, 
52; made royal chaplain, 167 
supported by Harley, 168, 213 
appointed dean and bishop, 168 
quarrel with Bishop Nicholson, 
168-9; becomes confidant of 
queen, 325 
Aylesbury case, the facts of, 96 ; im- 
portance of, 98; settlement of, 
99 
Bank of England, 21, 26, 319 



Beveridge, Dr., 155, 163 

Bishoprics of Chester and Exeter, 
171-4 

Blenheim, battle of, 105, 267, 286 

Bolingbroke, Viscount. See St. 
John, Henry 

Boroughs, representation of, 76 

Bounty, Queen Anne's, 75 

Bribery in elections, 82, 112-4, 333-5 

Bromley, William, 91, 124, 163, 346 

Buckingham, Duke of, frjend of 
Anne, 69; made duke, 69, 206; 
appointed privy seal, 69; dis- 
missed, 108, 292; favors the 
"invitation," 142-3, 194; pun- 
ishes Defoe, 258 

Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, 
tutor to Gloucester, 42 ; part of 
in the election of 1705, 117, 
121; favors Begency Bill, 145; 
works for union, 155; favors 
Queen Anne's Bounty, 162; re- 
lations with Anne, 167; History 
of My Own Time by, 187, 409 ; 
attitude towards Sacheverell 
trial, 387 

By-elections, of 1705, 127; of 1708, 
340 

Cabinet. See Cabinet council, Tri- 
umvirate 

Cabinet council, 243, 248-9, 255, 
258; development of, 270-4; re- 
lation of triumvirate to, 274, 
297, 311, 314 
Cabinet, inner. See Cabinet council, 

Triumvirate 
Cabinet, outer. See Cabinet council, 

Triumvirate 
Calamy, Dr., 263-4 
Carte, Thomas, 189, 409 
Chester, election in, 121 
Chevalier. See Pretender 
Churchill, George, 130, 179, 308, 320, 
341, 347, 353 



INDEX 



419 



Churchill, John (later Baron). See 
Marlborough 

Churchill, Lady. See Marlborough 

Civil list of Queen Anne, 74. See 
also Patronage 

Clergy, condition of, 75, 162, N. 

Compton, Henry, Bishop of London, 
aids Anne's flight, 30, 160; ad- 
vises Anne, 160, 167 

Council, committee of. See Cabinet 
council, Triumvirate 

Court appointments, 203-11 

Coventry, election in, 120 

Cowper, William, Lord, appointed 
lord keeper, 129, 195, 203; 
made lord chancellor, 130, 196-7; 
created a peer, 131 ; power 
over advowsons, 130, 166; 
favors Somers, 351; opposes 
Marlborough, 374 

Credit, English, 319-20 

Dawes, Sir William, 161, 305 

Defoe, Daniel, on origin of parties, 
13; character of, 55; part in 
election of 1705, 111, 120; work 
of in Scotland, 152, 155; re- 
lations with Harley, 257-60, 
288; writes pamphlets, 257; 
punished by ministry, 257-9; 
refuses to confess, 258; inter- 
cession of Harley and Godol- 
phin, 258, 288; Anne's interest 
in, 258; is released from New- 
gate, 259 ; publishes the Review, 
259, 289; acts as secret agent, 
288-91; encourages Harley, 315 
Devonshire, Duke of, 327, 351 
Dissenters, composition of, 16, 23, 
26; friendship of Harley for, 
263 ; treatment of during 
Sacheverell trial, 388 
Election methods, 77-8 
Election of 1702, 78-83 ; part played 
by court in, 78-82; activity of 
clergy in, 80; Nottingham's 



part in, 81-2; Seymour active 
in, 82; treating in, 82; rioting 
in, 82 ; controverted elections of, 
82-3; Harley active in, 249 
Election of 1705, 108-22; prepara- 
tion for, 108; contest bitter 
over, 109; influence of clergy 
in, 109-10; pamphleteering in, 
111; influence of "tack" on, 
111, 116-7; activity of peers 
in, 111, 121-2; bribery in, 112- 
4; unfair returns in, 115; im- 
portance of Dissenters in, 115-6; 
part of Quakers in, 116; part 
played by court in, 116, 117-9; 
rioting in, 120-2; effect of war 
on, 122-3; significance of, 122 

Election of 1708, relation of to can- 
didacy of Somers, 331; activity 
of Harley in, 331-3; Marl- 
borough's interest in, 332; work 
of the junto in, 332, 337; 
bribery in, 334; rioting in, 335; 
outcome of doubtful, 335 ; 
Sunderland's interest in, 336; 
the Scots in, 336 

Election of 1710, 393 

Elections, controverted, of 1702, 
82-3; of 1705, trial of, 126-8; 
St. Alban's election, 126-7; 
Leicester polling, 127; at Bed- 
win, 127 

Elections, controverted, of 1708, great 
number of, 339 ; method of try- 
ing, 339; Harcourt disqualified 
in, 340; general results of, 340 

England, Church of, conditions in, 
22-4; clergy of, 23-4; interest 
of in election of 1705, 110; 
Anne's appointments in, 159-74; 
interest of in election of 1710, 
389 

Evelyn, John, 112, 115 

Fourbin, Admiral, 178, 317-20 

Freeman, Mr. See Marlborough 



420 



INDEX 



Freeman, Mrs. See Duchess of 
Marlborough 

George, Prince of Denmark, deserts 
James II, 30-1; character of, 
37, 56, 355; importance of, 37, 
57, 355; ill-treated by William 
III, 40; appointed lord high 
admiral, 68; votes for Occa- 
sional Conformity Bill, 87; 
granted pension, 100; adminis- 
trative ability of, 179, 265, 
308, 320, 342; political opinions 
of, 191; opposes Somers, 328; 
relations with Churchill, 341; 
threatened with an investiga- 
tion, 342; illness of, 344, 350; 
attacked by junto, 351 ; death 
of, 353; significance of death 
of, 355 

Godolphin, Sidney, Earl of, char- 
acter of, 48, 237-8; reasons for 
appointment as lord high treas- 
urer, 72, 237; financial ability 
of, 72, 237; created an earl, 72; 
part in election of 1705, 117-8; 
gains support of junto, 146-7, 
241 ; activity in the union, 152- 
3, 241; weakness of, 153, 238, 
268-9, 277, 286; influence of in 
church affairs, 159, 175; politi- 
cal opinions of, 192, 298, 303; 
favors Sunderland, 198-202; 
political influence of, 237-42; 
acts as first minister, 238-42; 
attacked by both Whigs and 
Tories, 239; secures support of 
Harley, 239-41 ; influence on the 
patronage, 240; opposes Harley, 
242, 297; regains co-operation 
of Harley, 256-60, 279; unpopu- 
larity of, 267-8 ; makes new 
agreement with junto, 286; dif- 
ficulties with junto, 300-3 ; 
threatens to resign, 304, 347; 
tries to reconcile Harley, 306-7; 



forces Harley to resign, 314; 
activity in election of 1708, 332, 
335; neglects junto, 345; loses 
power over Anne, 347; grants 
more offices to Whigs, 356, 360; 
fears influence of Mrs. Masham, 
363; distress of, 370; fears im- 
pulsiveness of Sunderland, 371; 
advises Marlborough to moder- 
ate demands, 372; insists on 
Sacheverell trial, 387; letter 
from Anne to, 390 ; complains to 
Anne, 391 ; dismissal of, 393 

Gwynne, Sir Eowland, 119, 267, 285 

Halifax, Charles Montagu, Earl of, 
character of, 53-4; as finance 
minister, 244; impeachment of, 
244-5; inclines towards Tories, 
343, 370 

Hamilton, Duke of, character of, 52 ; 
solicits aid of Lady Marl- 
borough, 209; active in election 
of 1708, 336 

Hanmer, Sir Thomas, 313, 338 

Hanover, Elector of, visit of to Eng- 
land, 65; licentiousness of, 65; 
military ambitions of, 323 

Hanoverians, the, invitation to, 139- 
44, 282-4; invitation to sup- 
ported by Highfliers, 142-3; 
passage of Kegency Act in 
behalf of, 144-5; attitude of 
Anne to, 252, 283-4; renewal of 
invitation to, 324-5, 343, 383 

Harcourt, Sir Simon, character of, 
51; suggested as speaker, 124 
made attorney-general, 130 
interest in appointments, 261 
resignation of, 325 ; disqualified 
in controverted election, 340 

Harley, Robert, character of, 48-9; 
elected speaker, 83, 246-7; con- 
nected with preparing queen's 
speeches, 84, 240, 248-9, 260, 
298; begins secret visits to 



INDEX 



421 



Anne, 84, 249, 260; succeeds 
Nottingham, 103, 265, 277-9; 
part in the election of 1705, 
118-9; refuses speakership 
(1705), 123; interest in pat- 
ronage, 136, 292-6; negotiations 
for union, 152; importance in 
filling benefices, 167-74, 263; 
friendship for Atterbury, 168-9, 
263 ; his advances towards High- 
fliers, 172, 175, 299; supports 
Trelawny and two other bish- 
ops, 173-4, 305; influence of 
Greg's treason on, 180-1, 310-2; 
forced to resign, 181, 242, 315; 
stand on Sunderland's appoint- 
ment, 201 ; relations with Mrs. 
Masham, 220, 261, 299-300, 358, 
367; supports Godolphin, 239- 
41, 255-60; early life of, 243-5; 
opposes William III, 244-6; im- 
portant correspondents of, 245- 
6; interest in the succession, 
247, 282-3 ; aids preparation for 
war, 247-8; re-elected speaker, 
250 ; member of the triumvirate, 
243-74; importance in foreign 
affairs, 250-2, 280-5; promotes 
the union, 253, 301; political 
skill, 254-6; opposes Occa- 
sional Conformity Bill, 256, 264, 
287; realizes value of press in 
politics, 259, 276, 289-91; en- 
joys confidence of Anne, 261, 
266, 300, 313; influence over the 
patronage, 261-3; influence of 
over monied men, 262; friend- 
ship of for Dissenters, 263- 
4; secures confidence of Angli- 
cans, 264; secrecy of plans of, 
264-5; acts as speaker and sec- 
retary of state, 265-6; reasons 
for appointment of, 265-8; co- 
operation of St. John with, 269 ; 
relations to cabinet council, 



274; versatility of, 275-8; polit- 
ical skill of, 276-8; political 
opinions of, 277, 297, 303; acts 
as secretary of state, 279-315; 
his attitude towards Anne, 285; 
supports Cowper and New- 
castle, 292-5; intrigues against 
ministry, 299-301, 313 ; prepara- 
tions for election of 1708, 331-3, 
335-6; intrigues with Wharton 
and Halifax, 343 ; gains support 
of Shrewsbury, 343, 377, 390; 
secures co-operation of moder- 
ates, 346; works with Anne, 
364; plans overthrow of min- 
istry, 365, 367; hinders peace 
negotiations, 376; growth of 
power, 378; favors appointment 
of Hill, 380; makes use of 
Sacheverell trial, 387-9; advises 
Anne to be moderate, 390; be- 
comes first minister, 393; forms 
a Tory ministry, 393 
Haversham, Lord, 176, 324, 346, 362 
Hearne, Thomas, 189, 378 
Hedges, Sir Charles, 71, 197-8 
Hervey, John, Lord, 71, 207-8 
High Church party, principles of, 
23-5; opposes occasional con- 
formity, 85-9, 91-4; favors in- 
vitation to Hanoverians, 139-45; 
leaders of oppose the union, 
153, 155 
Highfliers. See High Church party 
Hill, Abigail. See Mrs. Masham 
Hill, John, appointment of, 380-6; 
Marlborough refuses to appoint, 
380; political struggle over, 
381-5; conferences over, 383; 
Anne grants a pension to, 386; 
made a brigadier general, 386 
Hoadly, Dr. Benjamin, 163 
Hooper, Dr., Bishop of Bath and 

Wells, 155, 165, 169-70, 263 
Jacobites, principles of, 25, 51-2; 



422 



INDEX 



leaders of, 52; in Scotland, 
150-1, 282; number of, 282; aid 
for Scottish expedition from, 
317-8; write to Anne, 357 

James II, attempts to make England 
Catholic, 30; gives way to Wil- 
liam III, 32; distrusts Anne, 
43; death of, 43 

Jennings, Sarah. See Marlborough, 
Duchess of 

Jersey, Earl of, character of, 52; 
appointed lord chamberlain, 72; 
dismissed from office, 103, 293; 
unreasonableness of, 261 

Junto, composition of, 52; char- 
acterizations of, 53-5; oppose 
invitation to Hanover, 144; 
support the ministry, 146-7; 
force Sunderland into ministry, 
198, 202; unfriendly to Harley, 
286; form agreement with Go- 
dolphin, 300-3; urge claims of 
Somers, 326-30; interest of in 
election of 1708, 332, 337; 
threaten investigation of Ad- 
miralty, 341, 349; complain of 
Marlborough and Godolphin, 
345, 375; attack Prince George, 
351; interfere in diplomacy, 
353; importune for offices, 356; 
threatened break-up of, 370; 
overthrow of, 393 

Kent, Earl of, 129, 292, 390, 392 

Leicester, election of, 121-2 

Lewis, Erasmus, 288, 335 

Lords of the Committee. See Cabi- 
net council, Triumvirate 

Louis XIV, 19, 66, 85, 317 

Low Church party, 23, 26 

Malplaquet, battle of, 373, 377 

Mansell, Thomas, 269, 287, 325 

Marlborough, John Churchill, Duke 
of, treatment of by William 
III, 35; character of, 47, 227; 
rewarded by Anne, 68, 231-2; 



receives dukedom and pension, 
68, 206-7, 231 ; political opinions 
of, 191, 227-8; supports Sun- 
derland, 199-201; political in- 
fluence of, 225-37; early life of, 
225-6; position of in 1702, 226- 
7; opposes Highfliers, 228; 
respect for Anne, 228-9, 347; 
enters into agreement with 
junto, 230; made Prince of 
Mindelheim, 231 ; enormous in- 
come of, 232 ; unpopularity of, 
232, 267-8, 321, 373, 377; in- 
fluence of in appointments, 232- 
5; favors Harley and St. John, 
233-4, 277, 286; importance of 
in war and diplomacy, 235-6; 
relies upon Harley, 236-7, 241, 
256, 260, 265, 279, 284, 294-7; 
threatens to resign, 302, 304, 
349; asks for Harley 's dismis- 
sal, 304-8; retires from court, 
314; supports Bank of England, 
319; relation to peace negotia- 
tions, 322, 374, 377; attitude 
towards Hanover, 324 ; active in 
election of 1708, 332, 336 ; yields 
to junto, 341 ; opposes his 
brother, 341, 346, 351; pleads 
for Sunderland, 344; favors re- 
moval of Mrs. Masham, 350; 
fears influence of Mrs. Masham, 
359, 363, 368; asks to be made 
captain general for life, 366, 
374, 381; attacks Harley, 367; 
recommends Orford, 371 ; parsi- 
mony of, 373; opposes Hill, 
380; consults junto and queen, 
381 ; again retires from court, 
382; appeals to Anne, 382; 
Whigs fail to support, 386; 
opposes Sacheverell trial, 387 
Marlborough, Sarah, Duchess of, 
lady of bedchamber to Anne, 
29-42; aids Anne in deserting 



INDEX 



423 



James II, 29-32; supported by 
Anne against the queen, 35-42; 
religious principles of, 35, 163; 
rewarded by Queen Anne, 44, 
68; character of, 47-8; absents 
self from court, 159, 212, 358; 
interest of in filling church 
benefices, 166-7; opposes queen 
in matter of two bishoprics, 173- 
205; political influence of, 184- 
225; testimony of secondary 
writers as to influence of on 
Anne, 185-6, 305; statements as 
to political power of, 187-90; 
testimony of as to her own 
influence, 190; part played in 
choosing Anne's first ministry, 
191-2, 205-6; political opinions 
of, 191-3; wishes Anne to favor 
"Whigs, 192-3, 212; hostile to 
Hedges, 197-8; wishes Sunder- 
land made secretary of state, 
198, 211-2, 286; part played by 
in appointing court officials, 203- 
11 ; opposes grant of dukedom 
to Marlborough, 206-7; influence 
of in creating peers, 206-8; atti- 
tude of towards Hanoverian 
question, 211 ; attacks Mrs. 
Masham, 215-22, 357, 361, 369; 
quarrel of with Abigail, 216-9, 
357; political ability of, 225; 
conclusions as to influence of, 
225, 305; discovers Harley's 
intrigues, 299; quarrels with 
Anne, 358-70; interview with 
queen, 361 ; reconciled to Anne, 
362 ; slights Mrs. Masham, 363 
coolly treated by queen, 365 
special appeal to Anne, 368 
demands aid of ministry against 
Mrs. Masham, 369; her last 
meeting with Anne, 392; dis- 
missal of, 401 
Mary II, Queen, 30, 35-42, 225 



Masham, Mrs. Abigail, aids Harley, 
172, 213; secretly married, 172- 
3, 215-6; becomes Anne's con- 
fidante, 212-5; character and 
ability of, 213-7; early life of, 
213; befriended by duchess, 
213-4; quarrel with Lady Marl- 
borough, 216-9, 357, 361; sup- 
ported by queen, 216-20; co- 
operation of with Harley, 220-2, 
261, 299-300, 358, 367; influence 
of with Anne, 305, 346, 359 ; re- 
tained by queen, 314, 325, 354; 
attacked by ministry, 346, 350; 
fears Lady Marlborough's in- 
fluence, 362; replaces the duch- 
ess, 365, 368; threatened by 
Sunderland, 383 

Ministry of Godolphin, disruption of, 
149, sq.; nature of, 182, 291-2, 
327; gradual change in, 327; 
divisions in, 383; end of, 392-3 

Montagu, Charles. See Halifax, 
Earl of 

Montagu, Sir James, made solicitor 
general, 130; supported by 
junto, 325-30; appointed attor- 
ney-general, 353 

Morley, Mrs. See Anne, Queen 

Naturalization, Act of, 145 

Newcastle, Duke of, appointed privy 
seal, 108, 292; cause of cham- 
pioned by Harley, 292-3 ; Marl- 
borough seeks support of, 307; 
supports Bank of England, 319; 
marriage of daughter of, 368 

Non-conformists. See Dissenters 

Normanby, Marquis of. See Buck- 
ingham, Duke of 

Nottingham, Daniel Finch, Earl of, 
character of, 50-1 ; made secre- 
tary of state, 69; activity in 
election of 1702, 81 ; dismissed 
by Anne, 102-3, 293; opposes 
the union, 153; ability of, 235; 



424 



INDEX 



punishes Defoe, 257-8; relation 
to cabinet council, 271 

Occasional Conformity Bill, the first, 
85-8; purpose of, 86; provisions 
of, 86-7; defeated by the 
Lords, 87-8 

Occasional Conformity Bill, the 
second, 88-9; introduced by 
Highfliers, 88; passed by House 
of Commons, 89; defeated by 
the peers, 89 

Occasional Conformity Bill, the 
third, 91-4; introduced into the 
Commons, 91 ; tacked to land 
tax, 92 ; defeat of bill in Lords, 
92; defeat of "tack" by the 
Commons, 93; significance of, 
93-4; interest of Harley in, 256, 
264 

Orford, Edward Russell, Earl of, 
character of, 54-5; urged for 
admiral, 371; supported by 
Marlborough and junto, 371; 
appointed admiral, 372 

Ormond, Duke of, 52 

Parliament, members of, bribery of, 
78 

Parliament, quarrels between the 
houses of, 84-100; struggle 
over occasional conformity in, 
84-94; difficulties over Scottish 
plot in, 94-6; contest over 
Aylesbury case in, 96-100 

Parties, political, origin of, 13-7; 
under Cromwell, 14; under 
Charles II, 15; under James 
II, 15-6; under William III, 
16-7, 24; under early Hano- 
verians, 17; under Anne, 24-7. 
See also Whig, Tory and Junto 

Paterson, William, 152-3, 258 

Patronage, use of by crown, 131-6; 
evidence of, 131-3; geographical 
distribution of, 133 ; objections 
to reform of, 134-5; reforms of, 



135-6; Anne's interest in, 136-7 

Peers, creation of, in 1703, 70-1; in 
1711, 71; in 1705 and 1706, 131 

Penn, William, importance of, 116, 
and note; active in election of 
1705, 116; champion of Defoe, 
258; interest of in election of 
1708, 331 

Peterborough, Earl of, 157-8, 233, 
321, 346 

Pretender, the, birth of, 30, 32; 
bred a Catholic, 65 ; expected to 
turn Anglican, 66; Louis XIV 
recognizes claim of to English 
throne, 66; relations of with 
Anne, 137-9; Jacobites active 
in behalf of, 251-2; French aid 
gained for, 316-8; takes part 
in expedition of 1708, 316-20; 
effect of expedition of, 319-20 

Prior, Matthew, 130, 233 

Privateering, 177-8 

Privy Council, relation of to cabinet 
council, 273 

Queensberry, Duke of, 150, 153-5, 
253 

Reign of Queen Anne, characteristics 
of, 7, 60; histories of, 7-8; 
biographies of statesmen of, 9; 
significance of, 395-403; biblio- 
graphical notes upon, 407-16; 
bibliographical aids on, 407-8; 
source materials on, 409-16; un- 
published manuscripts of, 409- 
11 ; correspondence dealing with, 
411-3; memoirs and historical 
works on, 413-4; periodicals and 
pamphlets of, 415-6 

Representative system of England, 
76-7 

Review, The. See Defoe 

Rioting in elections, 120-2, 335 

Rivers, Earl, work of in Spain, 158, 
281; quarrel with Galway, 281; 
joins Harley, 377, 379, 392; 



INDEX 



425 



appointed constable of Tower, 
379 
Rochester, Lawrence Hyde, Earl of, 
attitude of toward war, 25, 85, 
321 ; intermediary between Anne 
and Mary, 38, 45; character of, 
51; part in preparing Anne's 
first speech to parliament, 63, 
and note; leader of Highfliers, 
67, 243; retained by Anne in 
ministry, 72-3 ; dismissed from 
ministry, 101, 229; opposes the 
union, 153; reconciled to Har- 
ley, 346 
Eoyal Favorites, 184, 223-4 
Sacheverell, the trial of, 387-9 
St. John, Henry (later Viscount 
Bolingbroke), character and 
ability of, 49, 287; Marlborough 
friendly with, 233, 277, 286; 
becomes secretary at war, 269; 
political importance of, 287; co- 
operates with Harley, 313, 352; 
resigns from ministry, 325; 
active in election of 1708, 332, 
335 
Scotland, expedition of 1708 in, 316- 

20 
Scotland, union of with England, 
149-57; favored by Anne, 65, 
153-4; difficulties of negotiation 
of, 66-7, 149-50, 152, 156-7; 
preparations for, 67; reasons 
for, 67; Harley 's agents work 
for, 152; opposed by Highfliers, 
153, 155; opposition to in Scot- 
land, 154; responsibility for, 
155; importance of, 155-6; 
Harley promotes, 253-4 
Scottish ("Scotch") plot, 94-6; 
attitude of queen on, 95-6, 253; 
significance of, 96 
Seafield, Earl of, 152, 155 
Settlement, Act of, 66, 67, 247, 252 
Seymour, Sir Edward, character of, 



51; made comptroller of house- 
hold, 69 ; active in election of 
1702, 81-2; dismissed by Anne, 
103, 293; attacked Marl- 
borough, 267-8 

Sharp, John, Archbishop of York, 
supports Anne's political plans, 
143, 283, 308-9; confidant of 
Anne, 160, 358; supports 
Dawes and Trimnel, 161-2; 
favors Queen Anne's Bounty, 
162-3; diary of, 413 

Shires, representation of, 177 

Shortest Way with the Dissenters, 
effect of, 90-1, 260 

Shovel, Admiral, Sir Cloudesley, 158, 
177 

Shrewsbury, Charles Talbot, Earl of, 
waits upon Anne, 34; character 
of, 49 ; relation to cabinet, 271 ; 
interest in election of 1708, 332; 
goes over to Tories, 343, 377; 
votes for Sacheverell, 390; ap- 
pointed lord chamberlain, 390; 
becomes first minister, 401 

Smith, John, speaker of House of 
Commons, 125 

Somers, John, Lord, character of, 53- 
4; dropped from Privy Council, 
70; impeachment of, 245-6; re- 
lation to cabinet council, 271 ; 
candidate for lord president, 
326-30; objected to by Anne, 
326-30, 335, 341-54; supported 
by great nobles, 327-30; plan 
to have him displace Pembroke, 
342; complains of the ministry, 
351 ; Whigs unite in favor of, 
351 ; appointed lord president, 
354, 393 ; attempts to mediate 
between Anne and Marlborough, 
381-3 

Somerset, Charles Seymour, Duke of, 
character of, 55; active in elec- 
tion of 1705, 111, 122; forces 



426 



INDEX 



Anne to dismiss Harley, 314; 
supports Bank, 319; aids 
Somers, 327; advises Anne, 366; 
joins Harley, 368, 381; wife of 
replaces duchess, 368; absent 
from Sacheverell trial, 390, 392 

Sophia, Electress of Hanover, 139- 
41, 252, 282, 343 

Spanish Succession, War of, causes 
of, 19, 66; preparations for, 19- 
20; military reverses in, 158, 
281, 321; campaigns in Flan- 
ders, 321-2 

Speaker, election of (1705), extraor- 
dinary attendance at, 123; ex- 
citement of, 124; selection of 
Smith at, 125; importance of, 
125-6 

Speaker, election of (1708), Har- 
ley 's preparations for, 337; 
candidates in, 338; selection of 
Onslow at, 338 

Speakership, contest for, 123-6, 337- 
8; importance of, 250 

Stuart, James Edward. See Pre- 
tender, the 

Succession to the throne. See Hano- 
verians, and Pretender 

Sunderland, Charles Spencer, second 
Earl of, character of, 59, 201, 
note; urged for secretary of 
state, 129, 157, 286; Anne op- 
posed to appointment of, 129- 
30, 199-201; appointed secre- 
tary of state, 130, 202, 203, 296; 
administration of Spanish cam- 
paign, 157-8; quarrel with Har- 
ley, 157-8, 300, 302; active in 
election of 1708, 336; threat- 
ened by Anne, 342; favors can- 
didacy of Somers, 351; urges 
attack on Mrs. Masham, 383; 
dismissal of, 392, 401 

Sunderland, Robert Spencer, first 
Earl of, 44, 85 



Swift, Jonathan, 188 

"Tack," the. See third Occasional 
Conformity Bill 

Tenison, Dr., Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, 160, 161, 164, 166, 171 

Tory party, under William III, 24; 
principles and composition of, 
24-7; attitude on the war, 25, 
85, 321; schism in, 102; aroused 
by Sacheverell trial, 387-90 

Trelawny, Jonathan, Bishop of 
Exeter, character of, 169; quar- 
rel with Dr. Hooper, 169, 170; 
translated to see of Winchester, 
170-1; is given the Garter, 170; 
supported by Harley, 169-71, 
263 

Trimnel, Dr., Bishop of Norwich, 
161-2, 172 

"Triumvirate," the, the formation 
of, 243-78; composition of, 248- 
9 ; contemporary statements 
about, 270; relation to cabinet 
council, 274; changes court offi- 
cials, 293-4; break-up of, 304-15 

Walpole, Robert (later Earl of Or- 
ford), 55, 325, 342, 384 

Wharton, Thomas, Marquis of, char- 
acter of, 53; dismissed from 
ministry, 69-70; active in elec- 
tion of 1705, 111; urges investi- 
gation of Admiralty, 177; 
wishes lord lieutenancy of Ire- 
land, 342; inclines towards the 
Tories, 343 ; made lord lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, 353, 371 

Whig party, under William III, 24; 
principles and composition of, 
24-7; attitude towards war, 25, 
85, 321; makes advances 
towards Highfliers, 176; Anne 
unfriendly towards, 192-6; posi- 
tion of, 203; attitude towards 
Sacheverell, 388 



INDEX 



427 



William III, political policy of, 15- 
7, unpopularity of, 16, 61-2 ; ill- 
treatment of George and Anne 
by, 40-1, 43; death of, 59; ap- 



points ecclesiastical commission, 
160; position of cabinet council 
under, 270-2 
Wright, Sir Nathan, 128, 195 



PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 






BD rlX 




% 


















aV </> '"^V^ ■ ?, -^ 






A N 



k- » ^ C^ -ft q v 



X- * 




"^e. " ^=lk aV t/> c ^> 
























\-' 







1 ■» 



u .£==(1 lIfcrS : - "t/' Ok* * -N\ K» A O C- VNdfK/" 



, Jl 



• ^x, <■ ^ 




% ^ 



w 






^ 




D0BBSBR0S. c *kW*'* ^^^ C *} 





